The persistence of peronista political power remains the essential political concern of post-Perón Argentina. This dilemma has never been resolved and its presence affects any approximation of social and political integration. As contemporary peronismo responds to an apparent psycho-social void that has not been filled by any other party or movement, the alternatives today are as they were ten years ago: to allow the peronistas legal political status, to integrate them into existing political parties, or to permanently isolate them. The astounding peronista successes in the March 1965 Congressional elections favor the first solution to this now historical problem.

Departing from other approaches in the literature of Cuban studies (Azicri, 1979) this article does not examine the current phase of institutionalizing the revolution as an unforeseeable event due to fortuitous circumstances, such as the regime's blunder of the 1970 sugar harvest. Indeed, ten years later, it seems simply inaccurate to explain so many epoch-making events that have dominated revolutionary politics as if they occurred just because the regime was unable to produce the remaining 1.465 million tons of its goal of 10 million tons of sugar. However, this is not to construe the 1970 sugar harvest and its surrounding events to be void of any significance in what followed later; more properly, it is meant as a rejection of the notion that the institutionalization of the revolution is the direct outcome of that single historical happening.

Almost from the inception of the Spanish Inquisition which sought to stifle scientific investigation and philosophical speculation while rejecting foreign ideologies, contrary currents existed in Spain. The liberal humanistic movement headed by Erasmus preached intellectual freedom and a defense of interior religión. This ideology never disappeared in Spain in spite of the formation of the Company of Jesus by Ignacio de Loyola and the efforts of Spanish theologians who promoted the Counter Reformation at the Council of Trent. Under Felipe II foreign ideas were forbidden as heretical and interpretations independent of the Church were stifled. Nevertheless, criticism of the status quo continued. Reginaldo González Montano wrote the first attack on the Inquisition, Sanctae Inquisitioms Hispanicae in 1567.

Em um momento em que se discute, de forma intensa, a respeito da necessidade e dos meios de se executar um programa de reforma agrária no Brasil, torna-se importante analisar de urna forma ampla os principais problemas da agricultura brasileira e sus causas. A necessidade de urna reforma agrária e a extensão e profundidade que a mesma deverá ter dependerá do grau de inadequação da estrutura agrária do país. Quanto mais as deficiências estruturais constituirem-se em causa das dificuldades que hoje enfrenta a agricultura brasileira, maior será a necessidade da reforma agrária, e mais radical deverá ser ela.

December 12, 1974, the Twenty-ninth General Assembly of the United Nations (1974) passed the long-awaited Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States by a vote of 120-6-10. This chapter, conceived by Mexican President Echeverría (UNCTAD, 1972) was drafted upon the supposition that definitive legal guidelines on international economic rights would suppress considerably world political-economic tension and protect the rights of all states, especially developing ones (Vanzant, 1974). Although a substantial proportion of the charter was adopted with relatively little controversy during the two years of negotiations, conflicts over key sections were insurmountable and the negotiating committee failed to attain unanimity on its final text. The inability of the working group to reach a consensus did not come as a complete surprise, since during the past decade important concepts embodied in the document had provoked considerable controversy (Haight, 1975).

Although Church-State Relations have seldom been viewed from the standpoint of nationalism, they raise a series of questions concerning the patterns of loyalty which citizens render to both Church and State. Historians frequently find common religion to be an element of nationalism, but in the nominally Catholic countries of Latin America references to “common religion” in fact hide major diversities and degrees of belief. If reiterations of a common religious heritage by the mass of a population can strengthen thensentiments of common origin and national purpose, open conflict between religious groups may also belie national unity. Religious and national loyalties may be overlapping and mutually reinforcing, or they may be contradictory and antagonistic. The nature of the loyalties differs in time even within the same national context.

This paper is concerned with the attitudes of Latin American enterprise managers toward the role of government, as compared with that of private initiative and investment, in the economic development of the nation. Most of its data was obtained in the course of a broader investigation of managerial attitudes toward economic development, which was carried out in ten countries during the years 1959 to 1963. In addition to interviews, extensive information was obtained from informal conversations with businessmen, attendance at meetings of managerial groups, and the study of materials prepared by trade associations or individual companies.

Early in 1938, Brazil signed a treaty with Bolivia that would open part of the apparently oil-rich Chaco region to Brazilian exploitation. Up to that time, Brazil's growing but still negligible national effort to find oil within her own territory had proved fruitless; the treaty, however, seemed to guarantee it a supply of oil not controlled by the great international petroleum companies, an important proviso during the nationalistic Vargas administration. Yet Brazil failed to pursue the prospect opened by the treaty until the 1950s, and then its attempts to implement it were defeated by internal economic nationalism. This essay deals with Brazil's abortive efforts in the 1950s to frame and implement a policy for developing its oil concessions in Bolivia. The incident is an isolated example of the difficult international relations which prevail in Latin America.

The economic embargo against Cuba has been widely promoted as a way to hasten the end of the Castro regime. Historically, however, the connection between embargoes and regime change is mediated by a complex of political, social, and economic conditions. Labormarket bottlenecks and domestic elite opposition, decisive factors in the South African case, are absent from that of Cuba. This study uses the factors derived from an analysis of South Africa to compare the Cuban case and concludes that the embargo against Cuba cannot have its intended results.

This article examines change and continuity in the United States' recent foreign policy toward Cuba. In the context of the posthegemonic regionalism of the Pink Tide and regional disputes over Cuba's position in the interamerican system, the Obama administration's rapprochement was driven to protect the institutional power and consensual features of U.S. hegemony in the Americas. The Trump administration reversed aspects of Obama's normalization policy, adopting a more coercive approach to Cuba and to Latin America more broadly. Against the emerging scholarly proposition that the international relations of the Americas have crossed a posthegemonic threshold, this analysis utilizes a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that the oscillations in U.S. Cuba policy represent strategic shifts in a broader process of hegemonic reconstitution. The article thus situates U.S. policy toward Cuba in regional structures, institutions, and dynamics.

Extant studies have documented a positive correlation between country participation in International Monetary Fund–sponsored programs and collective protests in Latin America. However, anecdotal evidence indicates that there is a great deal of variation in the number of protests in recipient countries across the region. This article provides a theoretical argument that explains how the fund interacts with the level of party system institutionalization to affect the level of protest. The main prediction is that the level of protest decreases in recipient countries when the level of party system institutionalization is high. Empirical results from a sample of 16 Latin American democracies observed from 1982 to 2007 provide strong statistical and substantive support for the main hypothesis.

This article seeks to explain why electoral support for the Venezuelan opposition has increased substantially, using Venezuelan public opinion survey data from LAPOP and an opt-in sample collected through the online vote advice application Brújula Presidencial Venezuela. It analyzes why Venezuelans who had either voted for Chávez or abstained in 2006 defected and started to support the opposition in subsequent elections. It proposes several reasons: negative voter evaluations of the economy, concern for public safety, and dissatisfaction with Venezuelan democracy. While the finding that negative policy evaluations boost support for the opposition aligns with theoretical expectations, this study finds a strong relationship between having different evaluations of the quality of democracy and supporting Chávez, which shows that the advocacy of two competing visions of democracy by the incumbent and the opposition also affects voting patterns in Venezuela.

This paper briefly discusses the economic reforms that have taken place in Jamaica for the past 15 years and argues that the reforms, at least so far, are mixed, particularly with regard to the elimination of poverty. The basic problems are (1) a slow response of exports to large, frequent adjustments in the exchange rate, which prohibits low-wage labor, in the informal sector, from being absorbed into the formal sector; and (2) the large budget deficit, with the associated demands for large cuts in expenditures, which primarily affects the rural poor. It is suggested that the principal reason that reforms have been slow is because of the political price to be paid for unpopular measures in a competitive democracy

Mexico and Ireland, traditionally countries of emigration, experienced pronounced multinationalization of their economies during the 1990s. In Ireland net emigration declined, but in Mexico it remained quite high, suggesting that Ireland advanced in the mobility transition while Mexico did not. Several reasons are offered to explain this, reflecting Mexico's relationships with the United States, multinational corporations, and local income and social conditions in Mexican regions. In Ireland and its relationship with the United Kingdom, by contrast, these factors generally took the reverse direction. This article uses the comparison to examine the relationship between declining emigration and multinational investment and the question of whether Mexico may be expected eventually to reverse its present trends.

In 1817, Henri de Saint-Simon won the nineteen-year-old Auguste Comte over to his views concerning the lamentable condition of post-revolutionary French society and the necessity for a radical scheme of reform, and it was during the political turmoil of the second quarter of the nineteenth century that Comte, intending to reorder society through the application of scientific knowledge to social ills, presented his philosophy of positivism. Comte's project was nothing less than a blueprint for universal reform that would not only save France from ruin but would also, hopefully, rescue all of humanity. In its entirety the Comtean doctrine included a philosophy of history, a theory of knowledge and pedagogy, a method or logic of science, a positivist ethic (the so-called "subjective synthesis"), a socioeconomic plan, a theory of government, and a type of secular faith which he called the Religion of Humanity.

Crisis, breakdown, and disintegration have become operative concepts in journalistic, academic, and official assessments of contemporary affairs in Central America. The radicalization and Cubanization of the Nicaraguan revolution, the resurgence of revolutionary messianism and continuing violence in El Salvador and Guatemala, and the increasingly active and direct role which regional powers and European countries are playing in the region have turned Central America into a salient, global confrontational arena.

A systemic view, however, would miss important political processes continuing with surprising strength but unnoticed regularity in some Central American nations indirectly affected by revolutionary conflict and thus partially insulated from the region's high level of violence.

CONASUPO (Compañia Nacional de Subsistencias Populares) is a vertically integrated distribution system for staple goods in Mexico. It is an autonomous, public enterprise, and it has broad policy formulation and implementation responsibilities as an agency for development. CONASUPO competes with private sector producers, wholesalers, and retailers, in addition to its special roles in economic and market development.

It is the object of this article to describe how marketing decisions are made in CONASUPO. The environment within which market decisions are made in CONASUPO sets the parameters for its decision processes and influences the types of marketing strategies that it pursues.

The Spanish consulado — or Catalan consolat de mar — emerged from the medieval economy of Mediterranean towns. From a simple maritime court, its prototype in thirteenth-century Valencia, the Consulado evolved into a permanent tribunal with appellate as well as original jurisdiction in mercantile disputes. Ultimately, the consular court constituted one of three divisions of the guild merchant. The matrícula, or guild membership, comprised resident merchants who met various qualifications of age, property, and vocation. In annual assemblies the guildsment elected the judges of their court, usually a prior and two consuls. The prior and consuls were at once judges, active merchants, and members ex-officio of an executive council or junta. This governing body represented the merchant class in negotiating with other groups, especially public officials. It administered customs and taxes, enforced trade regulations, carried out public works projects, and in many other ways intervened in the economic life of the community.