This article reports the material evidence of roads in the northwestern Maya Lowlands that were in use from the Middle Preclassic (800–300 BC) through the Late Classic (AD 700–900) period in Chiapas and Tabasco, Mexico. The study includes archaeological evidence recovered from field research in an area covering approximately 670 km2 and 618 recorded archaeological sites. It presents the physical characteristics of a series of piedmont paths that connected the region from the Usumacinta River to the Tulijá River, including large population centers such as Palenque and Chinikihá. The study uses a geographic information system (GIS) least cost path (LCP) analysis to identify the location of roads and how they relate to regional settlement patterns. It also tests the use of modern computational models to advance regional studies in the Maya area. Study results show how the Classic Maya adapted and appropriated the region's topography to facilitate movement, long-term settlement, and the building of landesque capital.

Through our research at Bahía Yendegaia on the Beagle Channel in southernmost Patagonia—the ancestral territory of the Yagán people—we discovered the first rock art site on Tierra del Fuego Island. The geometric visual images found at Yendegaia Rockshelter present motifs and compositions analogous to those recorded at other sites on the southern archipelago associated with the marine hunter-gatherer tradition. They also show graphic similarities to the rock art paintings attributed to terrestrial hunter-gatherer populations from the Pali Aike volcanic field, located on the north side of the Strait of Magellan in mainland Patagonia. Both, however, display quantitative differences, which suggest that they emerged from different visual traditions but from the same field of graphic solutions. Navigational technology enabled the canoe-faring Fuegian people to have long-distance mobility and to maintain a flow of social information mediated via visual imagery expressed in material forms, such as rock art and expressions of portable art. Ethnohistoric reports suggest a cooperative social interaction more than a competitive one. This cooperative social dynamic would have been necessary for the survival of marine societies in the harsh environmental conditions characteristic of the southern part of south Patagonia.

En este artículo se describe y analiza los últimos hallazgos realizados durante la investigación del conjunto amurallado Gran Chimú, en la ciudad de Chan Chan, capital del reino de Chimo (900-1470 dC), en la costa norte de Perú. Después de analizar las características arquitectónicas de las entradas y la presencia de hornacinas con estatuillas de madera en Gran Chimú y en otros conjuntos de Chan Chan, planteamos que las hornacinas y estatuas son adiciones arquitectónicas tardías. Proponemos que los personajes representados están asociados con los rituales funerarios y el culto al ancestro representado por la momia del rey. A partir de ello, reforzamos la idea de los conjuntos amurallados como palacios que se trasforman en mausoleos reales a la muerte de los reyes chimúes.

Understanding the complex relationships among social identities, long-distance exchange, and migration has long been an important issue in archaeology. In the central Andes, archaeologists have grappled with these issues to understand highland–coastal interaction. We present a case study of these relationships in the coca-growing zone of the Moche Valley (chaupiyunga zone, 200–1,200 m asl) during the Early Intermediate period (400 BC–AD 600). We focus on reconstructing the social identities of the people who lived at Cerro León, a large hill town situated astride an important access route into the chaupiyunga from the highlands. Unlike most sites in the chaupiyunga, the site is dominated by highland-style pottery. Petrographic analysis indicates that the sources of the highland-style pottery were in the adjacent highlands. Our analysis of daily domestic activities, vernacular architecture, personal adornment, and ritual practices, including burial practices, indicates that most of the residents of Cerro León were immigrants from the highlands. We argue that these immigrants produced and reproduced a distinctive highland (Culle) identity throughout the occupation of the site, which lasted 100 to 200 years. Evidence demonstrates that site residents had extensive exchange relationships with coastal Yunga communities in the lower and middle Moche Valley.

Pedro Rojas's 1961 excavation of numerous stone vessels at the Huayurco site has led scholars to suspect that the Jaén region of the northeastern Peruvian Andes was an important center of early ceremonial stone bowl production. This discovery not only provided clear evidence of an independent craft technology within the ceja de selva, or eastern Andean tropical montane forest, but the similarity of these stone vessels to examples found at coastal and highland Andean sites also suggested that the Jaén region produced these vessels as a means of participating within early interregional exchange networks. Because empirical evidence of tropical forest exchange items within coastal and highland sites is difficult to obtain because of these items’ suspected perishable nature, the stone vessels represented an alternative means for understanding early Andean–Amazonian relations. Despite the importance of this discovery, little follow-up investigation has been conducted. In this article, I define the Jaén stone vessel tradition on the basis of form, design, and technology. I then review the archaeological literature on early Andean stone vessels to show how these vessels help articulate Jaén's participation within Andean interaction spheres between 2500 and 800 BC.

Los cazadores recolectores del este de Sudamérica ajustaron, durante el Holoceno, sus conductas territoriales a las fluctuaciones climáticas y ambientales. Estas sociedades implementaron una estrategia económica con una tecnología caracterizada por puntas de proyectil en piedra tallada. Estos cazadores fueron responsables de innovaciones técnicas y variabilidad en las formas y dimensiones de las puntas. Dichos cambios fueron estimulados por el menor tamaño de la fauna del Holoceno, la caza en ambientes anegadizos, la disponibilidad de materias primas y la experimentación de nuevas técnicas de propulsión. El sistema técnico buscó resolver los problemas planteados por la movilidad a través del reciclaje de puntas dañadas. Se analizaron 25 puntas de proyectil provenientes del este de Uruguay. Se relevaron aspectos tecno-tipológicos; se empleó lupa binocular (5× a 72×) y microscopio metalográfico (50× a 400×). Los análisis traceológicos, con base experimental, dan cuenta de fracturas en el ápice y confirman que se trata de puntas empleadas en armas arrojadizas. Los rastros registrados y algunos residuos sugieren que estas puntas fueron enastiladas y transportadas en un carcaj. Las observaciones realizadas parecen confirmar que parte de los ejemplares estudiados corresponden a puntas de flecha usadas con arco, una innovación de gran impacto en las tierras bajas.

Archaeology is increasingly employing remote sensing techniques such as airborne lidar (light detection and ranging), terrestrial laser scanning (TLS), and photogrammetry in tropical environments where dense vegetation hinders to a great extent the ability to understand the scope of ancient landscape modification. These technologies have enabled archaeologists to develop sophisticated analyses that overturn traditional misconceptions of tropical ecologies and the human groups that have inhabited them in the long term. This article presents new data on the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta in northern Colombia that reveals the extent to which its ancient societies transformed this landscape, which is frequently thought of as pristine. By recursively integrating remote sensing and archaeology, this study contributes to interdisciplinary scholarship examining ancient land use and occupation in densely forested contexts.

We report the results of bioarchaeological, genetic, malacological, and lithic analyses of a burial located in the Calamuchita Valley in the province of Córdoba in central Argentina. We discuss these findings from an osteobiographical perspective that considers the physical body from three spheres of analysis: biological, social, and political. The skeletal remains correspond to an adult male who died 3770 ± 90 14C years BP (4404–3850 cal BP). His mitochondrial lineage A2+16192-16248 could have originated in central Argentina; this lineage subsequently became extinct in modern populations. In association with the human bones, there were two lithic tools, ornamental shells, and a stone pendant arranged as a necklace. This type of context is infrequently found in the region and the period studied. Thus, this burial represents a rare and relevant record for regional and South American archaeology, providing the oldest direct evidence of a burial with grave goods in hunter-gatherer societies of the province of Córdoba, central region of Argentina.

Abordamos la interacción social entre puna y valles del noroeste argentino, a través de análisis estilísticos y petrográficos de conjuntos cerámicos. Estos proceden de tres sitios asociados a una vía de circulación correspondiente al área internodal del Volcán Galán, ubicada entre los nodos Antofagasta de la Sierra (Catamarca) y Valle Calchaquí medio (Salta). La comparación de estos estudios con información relativa a ambos nodos nos permitió constatar la utilización de esta ruta de interacción durante los períodos Tardío (ca. 900-1400 dC) e Inca (ca. 1400-1550 dC). Determinamos la circulación de recipientes de importancia estatal hacia la puna, mayoritariamente elaborados en el Valle Calchaquí. Proponemos, también, una interacción con la región de Atacama (Chile). En suma, la cerámica recuperada materializa la articulación de ambos lados de la cordillera de los Andes como parte de estrategias incaicas de integración implementadas en el Collasuyo.

The Napo River basin, which is situated within the Upper Amazon archaeological region, is one of the most speciose forests in Greater Amazonia. Standard thinking in scholarship and science holds that these forests are essentially pristine because any Indigenous impacts in the past would have been minimal, seedbanks would have been nearby, and natural forests would have reappeared after the humans left, died out, or dispersed. Inventory research in 2019 on three ridgetop forests in Waorani territory inside the Curaray basin (which drains to the right margin of the Napo River) and a comparable inventory on one control site forest along the Nushiño River (also in the Curaray basin) show human impacts from about the late nineteenth century to about 1960; they occurred during the period of wartime among Waorani themselves and between Wao people and outsiders. The human impacts resulted in the high basal-area presence of two long-lived species with important Waorani cultural uses: cacao (Theobroma cacao L.) and ungurahua palm (Oenocarpus bataua Mart.). These species have high frequency and dominance values and do not occur in the control site, which is comparable in terms of elevation above the flood zone of the rivers in the sample. These findings mean that alpha diversity in the right margin sector (or south) of the Napo River basin cannot a priori be explained by reference to traditionally, biologically accepted patterns of ecological succession but may require knowledge of historical patterns of Indigenous land use and secondary landscape transformation over time due to human (specifically Waorani) impacts of the past.

Use of Patagonia's forests by hunter-gatherers remains relatively poorly understood. Regional archaeological records indicate initial forest colonization during the middle Holocene, infrequent use until late prehistory, and, even then, fairly sparse occupation, likely in conjunction with use of the adjacent steppe. Recent excavations at Río Ibáñez-6 West in Aysén, Chile, provide a new perspective for understanding the prehistoric use of Patagonian forests, particularly regarding timing of the initial occupation and the potential for development of a forest-specific adaptation. We provide chronological, lithic, archaeofaunal, and macrobotanical data that show use of the Ibáñez River valley at least a millennium earlier than previously documented. These data indicate increased dietary breadth in late prehistory, supporting the established hypothesis that the valley became a closed system at that time. From our data we develop hypotheses regarding prehistoric forest use in Aysén that have implications for the broader understanding of the suitability of the forest for prehistoric human foragers.

In this study, we analyze extensive segmented and standardized agricultural fields in the marginally productive terrain of the Pampa de Guereque in the Jequetepeque Valley on the north coast of Peru. Although portions of the associated canal system were constructed continuously from late Formative to Chimú times, the segmented fields date to the late Chimú–Inka period and were only partially finished, apparently never fully used, and ultimately abandoned. We provide description of field plots and irrigation canals and discuss the implications of state-level construction and labor management of the fields, as well as the probable reasons for their abandonment.

Diversas líneas de evidencia sugieren la existencia de dos rangos de acción de cazadores-recolectores en el sur de Patagonia meridional durante el Holoceno tardío: uno oriental, concentrado en el campo volcánico Pali Aike y otro occidental, localizado a lo largo de una franja relativamente longitudinal que va desde el sur de Lago Argentino hasta Última Esperanza. Mientras el uso de lascas y dacita predomina en el primero, la tecnología laminar y la explotación de lutita negra es recurrente en el segundo. Sin embargo, instrumentos de filo largo (raederas y cuchillos) sobre láminas de lutita negra también se registran, en baja frecuencia, en el campo volcánico Pali Aike y espacios asociados. Este trabajo evalúa, a través de las técnicas de morfometría geométrica, si estos instrumentos pertenecen a una misma población artefactual de acuerdo con sus características morfológicas. Los resultados no muestran diferencias morfológicas significativas entre los instrumentos laminares de lutita negra según su área de hallazgo (oriental versus occidental). La información morfológica y otras evidencias sobre los tamaños de los instrumentos laminares y la disponibilidad de lutita negra, cuyas principales fuentes de aprovisionamiento se localizan en el área occidental, abren la discusión sobre distintos mecanismos de interacción poblacional involucrados en la dispersión de estos artefactos.

Shark remains are common in coastal archaeological sites in southern Brazil. Here we present an analysis of microwear visible on shark teeth found at the Rio do Meio site in Florianópolis, Brazil. It demonstrates that hafted shark teeth were used to work soft materials such as leather, as well as semihard materials such as wood and bone, whereas others probably functioned as arrowheads. The results also show a possible preference for tiger shark teeth use for woodworking. The identified technical motions include piercing, cutting, and scraping, as well as scaling and sawing. These findings allow us to question the common interpretation of shark teeth use as ornaments and as having symbolic value. Instead, shark teeth seem to have been used as tools and weapons in daily life.

This article presents results from the excavation and analysis of 11 slab-cist tombs associated with the site of Ayawiri, one of the largest hillforts in the western Lake Titicaca Basin during the Late Intermediate period (LIP; AD 1100–1450). These semi-subterranean tombs typically contain commingled human remains. Variation between and within tombs in the number of individuals, the body parts represented, and the degree of skeletal articulation points to a complex burial practice that likely involved tomb reopening, successive burial, and even the deposition of select body parts. Demographic and mortuary profiles suggest that burial practices were decentralized and flexible, structured by shared attitudes toward “the dead” and the dead body but also subject to the prerogatives and preferences of semi-autonomous corporate groups. This study advances our understanding of a lesser-known mortuary tradition in the Lake Titicaca Basin—one long overshadowed by more prominent burial towers (chullpas)—and sheds new light on the complex interactions that took place between the living and the dead during the LIP.

Economic directness is a new model of socioeconomic organization for the Paracas culture (800–200 BC) in southern Peru, with wider implications for economic theory of the prehispanic Andean past. Using an archaeoeconomic approach to analyze settlement patterns, obsidian artifacts, malacological material, and camelid skeletal remains, this study reconstructs the Paracas economy by using primary archaeological data from the northern Nasca Drainage. Its results force reconsideration of existing socioeconomic models for the ancient Andes such as verticality, circuit mobility, llama caravan mobility, transhumance, and market concepts. Whereas components typical of these models are often absent in the case of the Paracas economy, our new proposal of economic directness integrates their relevant aspects. Economic directness is defined essentially by direct access to important resources from diverse ecological tiers, direct and down-the-line exchanges, reduced transaction costs, llama caravan transport, unbalanced commodity flows across the western Andes, and forces of supply and demand with major consumption on the coast. These features formed under conditions of population growth, generating a continuous and dense settlement pattern from the Pacific coast to the highland puna zone.

Se analizan los microrrestos biosilíceos recuperados en el sitio Fuerte Sancti Spiritus, primer asentamiento español que se estableció en la cuenca del Río de la Plata en el período de la colonización y conquista europea en América. Está emplazado en Puerto Gaboto, provincia de Santa Fe, Argentina, y consiste en una ocupación breve que se produjo entre mayo de 1527 y septiembre de 1529. La excavación se realizó de acuerdo con la metodología open area, por lo cual el muestreo estuvo distribuido en diferentes rasgos localizados en la planta del emplazamiento. Se analizaron 20 muestras según dos variables: tipo de rasgo y cronología, lo que permitió establecer que se cultivaba maíz, junto con trigo y probablemente cebada, introducidos, concordante con las fuentes etnohistóricas. El análisis permitió, también, estimar el contenido de los rasgos de acuerdo con el sedimento muestreado, posibilitando la caracterización de zonas de descarte, rellenos, niveles de uso y sedimento acumulado con posterioridad al abandono del asentamiento.

Este artículo explora las manifestaciones arqueológicas del poder y de la diferenciación social en las sociedades muiscas que habitaron el norte del Altiplano Cundiboyacense, centro de Colombia, y que fueron descritas por los españoles del siglo dieciséis como grupos profundamente jerárquicos e inequitativos. Se analiza aquí la relación entre la diferenciación social y las condiciones de vida de las personas sepultadas en el Cercado Grande de los Santuarios, un importante centro político y ritual prehispánico, y se aborda a través de indicadores de diferenciación social. Estos últimos se expresan en el ajuar (presencia o ausencia de vasijas, composición), en la modificación craneal artificial, y mediante indicadores óseos y dentales de estrés fisiológico (hiperostosis porótica, cribra orbitalia, hipoplasia del esmalte dental, reacción perióstica) y de actividad física (cambios entesiales y enfermedad articular degenerativa). Los resultados permiten sugerir que la población no exhibía diferencias importantes en sus condiciones de vida. De acuerdo con los indicadores analizados, si existió diferenciación social, esta no estuvo acompañada de una distinción en las tareas propias de la vida cotidiana que conllevara una separación del grupo dominante.

La jerarquización de recursos constituye uno de los procedimientos más empleados para evaluar la subsistencia de los cazadores-recolectores en el pasado. Para el Centro Occidente Argentino (COA) esta jerarquización se fundaba en el tamaño corporal de las presas. Aquí incorporamos datos sobre los costos de manejo, generando el primer ordenamiento de recursos para la región que contempla los elementos requeridos por los modelos de optimización (Kcal/tiempo post-encuentro). Luego del guanaco (Lama guanicoe) —presa de mayor rendimiento— este ranking situó en segundo y tercer lugar a los huevos de Rheidae y los armadillos (Dasypodidae), respectivamente, resaltando la importancia de presas tradicionalmente consideradas de bajo rendimiento. Siguiendo la teoría de aprovisionamiento óptimo, elaboramos el modelo de amplitud de dieta (MAD) para los desiertos más representativos de Nordpatagonia: el de Monte y el patagónico. En este último, la mayor disponibilidad de guanacos tornó menos ventajosa la incorporación de nuevos ítems a la dieta. Para el Monte, la dieta óptima se amplió, incluyendo recursos menores como ciertos peces (i.e., Percichthys trucha). En definitiva, el MAD permitió reinterpretar tendencias temporales en la subsistencia humana, sosteniendo una ampliación en el espectro de recursos explotados hacia el Holoceno tardío en el COA. En general, las expectativas del MAD son confirmadas con el registro zooarqueológico regional.

In the archaeological tradition of what is today Peru, studies of sedentary agricultural groups have accorded a minor role to the analysis of stone tools relative to other suites of material culture. Here, we illustrate the value of such lithic collections via a case study of settlement sites from the Chachapoyas region of northern Peru (AD 300–1500). This study demonstrates the potential of methods such as use-wear microscopy and raw material analysis to address questions of theoretical interest to archaeologists studying sedentary society, such as subsistence, household behavior, and ceremonial practices. A set of generalized linear models of the spatial distribution of volcanic stone indicates that lithic raw material acquisition at these ceramic period sites was likely embedded in other activities. In addition, we examine an unusual set of limestone and carbonate-patinated artifacts that suggest that lithic procurement and selection were informed and strategic, if not conforming to expected technological priorities. We suggest that, by taking the potential value of lithic artifacts into consideration from project design through field collection and assemblage sampling, researchers can minimize biases that may otherwise limit the value of lithic assemblages.