This study concentrates on the development of the third-person indicative present singular verb inflection in Early Modern British and American English. Within the framework of sociohistorical variation analysis, corpus-based comparisons focus on a number of extralinguistic and linguistic factors that have influenced the choice of the forms over successive periods of time. During the period studied, the main line of development is the replacement of the -th by the -s ending; the zero from is clearly in decline, as is the use of the -s and the -th endings in the third-person present plural inflection. The type of the verb (notably have and do vs. other verbs) and stem-final sounds play an important role in the choice of the form. The text type, the level of formality, and the sex of the author can also be seen to influence the distribution patterns. The -s ending had already been firmly established in everyday usage before the settlers left for the New World. Contrary to what has usually been attributed to the phenomenon of “colonial lag,” the rate of change was more rapid in the colonies than in the mother country.

The postion of inflected verbs in early Yiddish varies between second position and positions later in the clause. Standard distributional tests establish that this reflects variation in the underlying position of infl, and that Yiddish phrase structure changed from infl-final to infl-medial. Based on clauses containing the relevant structural diagnostics, we can estimate the rate of this change. We cannot, however, determine the phrase structure of structurally ambiguous clauses (i.e., those superficially consistent with either of the phrase structures) with certainty. Nevertheless, we can use quantitative methods to estimate the likelihood of such clauses being infl-medial, and we can then use these likelihoods to provide an additional estimate of the rate of the change. Comparing both estimates reveals that they do not differ significantly. The implications of this result are briefly examined in conclusion.

Analogical leveling in progress of a potential suffix in Tôkyô Japanese is analyzed within a quantitative paradigm. The phenomenon, whereby an innovative potential and a conservative potential alternate, is shown through a multivariate analysis to be controlled by five factors: sociological variable complex, length of the verb stem, conjugation pattern of the verb, the following inflectional form, and embeddedness of the clause containing the suffix. Most of the linguistic constraints are observed crosslinguistically in language change or variation, giving further credibility to the analysis. Although traditional frequency-based theory of analogical leveling would predict stem frequency to be a possible factor, I demonstrate that it is not in this case. As a principled explanation for this apparent lack of contribution from frequency, the Revised Frequency Hypothesis is proposed.

In Portuguese, subject pronouns may be omitted or expressed explicitly. This variable usage is often attributed to the richness of the system of verbal desinences. However, evidence drawn from a sample of informal written language—personal correspondence of people from Rio de Janeiro—shows that the most important constraints on pronoun usage in subject position are discouse-based. The pronoun tends to be used whenever it is needed to clarify or highlight the correct referent from among a set of possible candidates. Furthermore, the pronoun is less likely to occur when its clasue is tightly connected to the preceding discourse. The quantitative analysis presented here supports the hypothesis that pronoun usage is “functional” in the sense that semantically relevant information tends to be preserved in surface structure.

Sociolinguistic situations that involve interplay between standard and nonstandard varieties have posed certain difficulties for the analysis of variation at the morphosyntactic level (Harris, 1984; Milroy, 1987). In particular, there is the problem of defining the scope and relevant contexts of morphosyntactic variables—a problem closely linked to that of identifying the semantic equivalence in terms of which the variable is defined (Cheshire, 1982; Romaine, 1984). This article addresses such issues by examining variation in the use of perfect have and its alternatives in the Trinidadian creole continuum. The alternatives to have include other Standard English (SE) forms (e.g., the past), as well as forms like perfective Ø, completive done, and others which function in the Trinidadian Creole (TC) system. The analysis is based on data from a sample of speakers from different social backgrounds. The variation described here is part of a wider pattern involving different strategies for expressing the various meanings associated with the perfect in SE, namely, the “continuative,” “experiential,” and “resulative” interpretations of have. TC employs different strategies for expressing these meanings. Perfective Ø is used (along with apporopriate adverbial specifications) to convey the experiential meaning; progressive -in, Ø copula, or Ø-marked statives convey the continuative sense; and completive done competes with prefective Ø to convey the resultative sense. All of these may vary with have. I discuss at length the procedures that are used to define the variable and the equivalents of have that are identified. A quantitative analysis reveals clear patterns of variation according to class, subcategory of perfect, and predicate type. The differences in the use of have are explained in terms of varying degrees of influences from vernacular norms among the social groups, as well as the availability of alternative choices to have within the pragmatic and grammatical environments. Finally, I indicate the implications of this investigation for the study of morphosyntactic variation in other divergent dialect situations. Specifically, the findings are relevant to situations, such as AAVE, which involve variation between standard and nonstandard strategies for expressing the meanings associated with the perfect and other morophosyntactic categories.

Much has been written about the relationship between the usage of particular social groups and language change. This article reports on a longitudinal study of lexical variables that analyzed comparable data from the 1930s and 1990. Nearly 1,000 words were tested to determine differences in usage related to age, sex, race, education, region, and rurality. Another set of tests compared the terms used at each point in time. Yielding a list of words that exhibited both change and a pattern of social or regional variation, the results indicated that males, whites, older speakers, and speakers from rural areas use more older terms. The most educated speakers use more newer terms. These findings were reinforced by an analysis of “No Response” answers, especially on questions about obsolete or agricultural referents, which were more common among females, blacks, and urban dwellers. Most of the linguistic change was not accompanied by significant social variation.

The development of language conditions in Helsinki makes it possible to observe many processes of sociolinguistic interest. By European standards, the beginning itself is exceptional. Helsinki was originally founded in the middle of a Swedish-speaking area, which means that it lacked all natural connections with any basis of Finnish dialect from which urban colloquial language and standard spoken Finnish might have emerged. However, throughout the 20th century Helsinki has been the most important Finnish-speaking city, and its colloquial Finnish has served as a model for the evolution of colloquial Finnish throughout the country. One may well wonder how colloquial Helsinki Finnish came into existence in the course of only a few decades and consolidated its position as the model for everyday Finnish.

Richness of subject-verb agreement is implicit in the functional compensation interpretation of variable second person /-s/ in Puerto Rican Spanish (PRS). Because /-s/ is not variable in Madrid Spanish (MS), richer agreement is assumed, and a lower rate of pronominal expression is expected. Central to this interpretation are effects associated with ambiguous marking of person on finite singular verbs. Although an increase of pronominal expression correlates to ambiguous marking for PRS speakers, a similar result has not been reported for MS speakers. Nonetheless, a varbrul analysis yields similar weights for this constraint in both dialects. Moreover, ambiguity effects are best understood as constraints on null subject variation that interact with switch reference. Identity of varbrul weights for constraints on pronominal and null subject variation in PRS and MS also supports the Constant Rate Hypothesis. However, the two dialects do show a diametrically opposed effect associated with nonspecific tú.

This article considers language variation within one “ethnic” group: Israelis of Middle Eastern origins. Earlier studies (Yaeger-Dror, 1988, 1991) found that singers from the dominant “koiné” -speaking social group (Blanc, 1968) use [r] in pop songs and [R] in casual interviews. This can be defined as a register distinction. On the other hand, singers from a MidEastern ethnolinguistic background, whose underlying dialect includes [r], use [R] even in songs. Given that singers whose vernacular consonant invetory does not even include [r], and who should find it easire to use it categorically, have such a difficult time maintaing [r] consistently (and appropriately) in the song register? One of the recorded variants for these singers “merges” the [r] and [R] into coarticulated [rR]. Why does this previously unattested sound arise, and what does it tell us about the linguistic and sociolinguistic situation? Data from various registers are analyzed in order to discover the answers to these questions. This analysis is concerned with the quantifiable evidence of systematic patterns in the use of these three pronunciations for [r] and uses this evidence to demonstrate that subconscious sociolinguistic pressures on members of the minority community influence them to assimilate to the dominant social group while still retaining ethnolinguistic proof of a narrower ethnic identity. For example, the use of [rR] is found to be correlated with a wish to affiliate with both an [R]-using group and an [r]-using group, showing that sociolinguistic techniques can reveal social psychological ethinc affiliation. Like Trudgill's (1986) discussions of dialects in contact, the present theoretical discussion takes advantage of proposals advanced by Giles, to explain why the data reveal both convergence (toward the dominant out-group) and divergence (toward the in-group) (Giles & Coupland, 1991). Sociolinguistic methods permit a quantitative analysis of the strength of these conflicting tendencies, both of which are subsumed under the technical term “accommodation.” Methods are proposed to determine if choice of the

[R] or [rR] variant is conscious or not, and variable rule analysis reveals that for most of the singers the less cognitive salience, the greater the degree of convergence to the Koiné norm [R]. The linguistic factors that are correlated with the relative degree of salience can be used in future studies when the relationship between convergence toward another dialect or language and relative cognitive salience is also at issue.

This article uses the quantitative methodology of goldvarb to examine the variable distribution of lexical noun phrases representing core arguments of the verb in a corpus of spoken French and a corpus of spoken Spanish. It is shown that this distribution is not random, but instead conforms to a grammatically and pragmatically motivated pattern known as Preferred Argument Structure.

Standard Hungarian has a short front unrounded low vowel phoneme /ε/, but certain dialects have a mid /e/ as well. The standard /ε/ evolved from a merger of the two phonemes. A formal reading of word groups and a same/different listening test revealed that Hungarian–Americans in South Bend, Indiana, exhibit a continuum between the /ε/ dialect and the /ε/versus /e/ dialect, showing important differences between the informants' perception and production. The Hungarian–American data and metropolitan Hungarian data were compared to Labov, Karen, and Miller's (1991) findings on near-mergers. The importance of investigating perceptual and productive systems separtely is emphasized.

The analysis of letters written by 19th-century African Americans shows constraints on verbal -s marking which parallel those found in the writing of Scotch-Irish immigrants in the same time period and region, specifically a subject type constraint and a proximity to subject constraint. This correlation is highly suggestive for the study of the development of African American Vernacular English (AAVE). This study finds no support for a basis from a creole or from Standard English for AAVE in verbal concord and concludes that some, perhaps many, African Americans used varieties of English with little or no creole influence. Earlier studies have assumed that standard dialects of English constituted the superstrate in colonial and antebellum America; this analysis makes it clear that we must examine the features of the local varieties, black and white, before making any claims about the influences of language contact on a given variety. Further, the consistent patterns of inflections found in this study show that written documents, in particular letters written by semiliterate African Americans, are a good source for further linguistic study of 19th-century language.

Anaphoric referential mechanisms are comparatively analyzed in a creole-related set of varieties (the Belizean continuum) and a noncreole language variety (formal and informal styles of American English), with the intent to evaluate the claim that creole languages display linguistic systems distinct from those of other languages. Three categories of topic referents (nominal, pronominal, and periphrastic) are identified in 27 Belizean texts and 12 American texts, and the effect on referent choice of two variables (topic number and stylistic/lectal context) are investigated. Some of the resulting findings inclued: (1) Singl-topic samples display consistent referential strategies in all Belizean lects, whereas multitopic texts indicate lect-linked variations; and (2) Belizean lects are strikingly similar to spontaneous styles of American English, whereas formal American English is markedly distinct in its use of referents, both from Belizean (including acrolects) and from casual English.

Although variationists have explored the diffusion of linguistic changes from one social group to another and from one linguistic environment to another in some detail, they have done much less work on the spatial diffusion of changes. In fact, Trudgill's (1974, 1975) use of Hagerstrand's gravity model to explain in hierarchical diffusion of innovations in East Anglia and Norway was the only systematic account of spatial diffusion in the literature. This article uses data from the random sample telephone survey portion of a Survey of Oklahoma Dialects (SOD) to explore the spatial diffusion of linguistic innovations in Oklahoma. It analyzes that data using a variety of techniques of computer cartography and the General Linear Models procedure in SAS. The data clearly show that, whereas some linguistic innovations diffuse hierarchically (as linguists have long contended), others diffuse contrahierarchically, while still others diffuse in complex patterns that show characteristics of both contagious and hierarchical diffusion. An analysis of the barriers to and amplifiers of diffusion suggests that these different types of diffusion are a consequence of the different social meanings that linguistic forms carry.

This article examines the type of relatively rapid speech modification sometimes called “accommodation” (Trudgill, 1986). In this case, we track change on the part of speakers of Honduran Spanish newly resident among speakers of Northern Mexican Spanish. The two variables investigated are final /n/ velarization and spirantization, both of which differ in the two dialects. (Honduran Spanish velarizes final /n/, while Northern Mexican Spanish does not; Honduran Spanish conserves stops l, r, s and glides, whereas Northern Mexican Spanish produces fricatives.) It is found that, although there is change in the direction of local norms in both variables, velarization shows greater change. In addition, the degree of contact with local speakers also leads to greater change for velarization only. Reasons for the different behavior are considered.

We present results on the grammar of spoken Brazilian Portuguese, focusing on the syntactic boundaries of the main constituents of an utterance. The purpose of examining such sites is twofold: (1) to provide evidence as to the relationship (or mutual exclusion) between boundary and type of filler, and (2) to determine the relationship between boundary and frequency of filling. We find major differences both in the distribution of filling by syntactic adjuncts versus discourse elements and in the susceptibility of different syntactic boundaries to be filled. We discuss the lack of demographic conditioning on the rate of filling.