Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 September 2009
The standard criteria for using apocalypses as historical sources were established by the late Byzantinist, Paul J. Alexander. Examining the process of literary embellishment and adjustment of a few Syriac and Greek apocalypses, he arrived at the conclusion that historical apocalypses are in fact “prophecies ex-eventu”, i.e. having actually already materialised around the time of their circulation. The amount of such material, he argued, may serve as a kind of barometer for measuring the eschatological pressure at a given time in history since apocalypses are written to provide comfort in times of tribulation, particularly during grave military crises.
1 Alexander, Paul J., “Medieval apocalypses as historical sources”, AHR 73 (1968), pp. 998–9, 1002, 1008Google Scholar.
2 E.g. Vasiliev, A. A., “Medieval ideas of the end of the world: east and west”, Byzantion 16 (1942–1943), pp. 471–6Google Scholar and the works cited therein; cf. also Brock, S. P., “Syriac views of emergent Islam”; in Juynboll, G. A. H. ed., Studies … (Carbondale, 1982), p. 19Google ScholarPubMed.
3 L. Conrad notes how Steinschneider, Goldziher, Casanova and Abbott, though they used and discussed “historical” apocalypses in their writings, “seem to have found little of historical merit in them”. “Portents of the hour: hadith and history in the first century A.H. ”, typescript, p. 11 and nn. 48–51 (forthcoming in Der Islam).
4 Madelung, W., “Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr and the Mahdi”, JNES 40 (1981), pp. 291–306.Google Scholar; idem “The Sufyanibetween tradition and history”, SI 63 (1986), pp. 4–48Google Scholar; idem, “Apocalyptic prophecies in Hims in the Umayyad age”, JSS 31 (1986), pp. 141–86Google Scholar; Cook, M., “ Eschatology, history and the dating of traditions”, typescriptGoogle Scholar;Conrad, L., art. cit. and letter to me on 9 04 1989Google Scholar.
5 As demonstrated by both L. Conrad, p. 22 and Cook, M., pp. 10–25Google Scholar, concerning the belief that the Byzantine final malḥama would be led by Tiberius, son of Justinian II
6 Madelung, W., “Apocalyptic prophecies…”, art. cit., 180Google Scholar; L. Conrad's letter; and even the usually highly sceptical Cook, M. in a concluding note, art. cit., pp. 33–4Google Scholar, concerning the applicability of Schacht's method for dating traditions in this field.
7 E.g. Conrad and Cook on the issue of the final Byzantine malḥama, noted above; Conrad on a certain Byzantine-Muslim truce referred to in the tradition on the “six portents of the hour”; and a few other related issues brought up in Madelung's review of Ḥimṣī apocalyptic traditions.
8 Noted only briefly by Cook, M., art. cit., nn. 63, 93, 116Google Scholar.
9 Conrad, L., art. cit., 11 nn. 53–6Google Scholar referring to: Nu’aym b. Ḥammād, K. al-Fitan, Ms. British Museum, Or. 9449, fols, 7(b)–8(a), n(a–b); Bukhārī, , Ṣaḥīḥ (Beirut, 1981), 4/68Google Scholar; Ibn Ḥanbal (d. 241 H.), Musnad (Cairo, 1313 H.), 2/174, s/228, 6/22, 25, 27Google Scholar; Ibn, ‘Asākir, Tārākh (Damascus, 1951), 1/222–4Google Scholar.
10 Compare also with Nu‘aym, 138(b); Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235 H.), Mu$annaf, (Bombay, 1983), 15/104–5Google Scholar; Abū ‘Ubayd (d. 224 H.), Gharīb al-Ḥadīth (Haydarabad, 1967), 2/85–7Google Scholar; Ibn Māja (d. 275 H.), Sunan (Cairo, 1953), 2/134–2, 1371Google Scholar; Ṭabarānī (d. 360 H.), al-Mu’jam al-Kabir (Baghdad, 1984), 18/40–2, 54–5, 64, 66, 79–81Google Scholar; idem, al-Mu’jam al-Awsaṭ (Riyad, 1985), 1/67–8Google Scholar; Ibn Manda (d. 395), Kitāb al-Īmān (Beirut, 1985), 2/914–16Google Scholar; al- Hakim (d. 405 H.), Mustadrak, (Beirut, 1986), 4/419, 422–3, 551–2Google Scholar; Bayhaqī (d. 458 H.), al-Sunan al-Kubrā, (Haydarabad, 1356 H.), 9/223, 10/248Google Scholar; Wāsiṭī, Faḍā’il al-Bayt al-Muqaddas, (Jerusalem, 1979), 52–3Google Scholar; Ibn al- Murajjā, Faḍā’il Bayt al-Maqdis, Ms. Tübingen 27, fol. 17 (a–b); Ḍiyā’ al-Dīn (d. 643 H.), Faḍā’il Bayt al-Maqdis (Beirut, 1985), 70Google Scholar; al-Muttaqī al-Hindī, Kanz al-‘Ummāl, in the margin of Ibn Ḥanbal, 6/11; Ibn Kathīr (d. 774 H.), al-Nihāya (Cairo, 1980), 1/81–4, 86–9Google Scholar; Qurṭubā(d. 671 H.), Tadhkira (Cairo, 1986), 2/312–14Google Scholar, quoting Marj al-Baዤrayn by Abū al-Khaṭṭāb b. Duḥya (d. 633 H.); Suyūṭī (d. 911 H.), al-Durr al-Manthūr, (Cairo, 1314 H.), 6/59Google Scholar; Qasṭalānī, Irshād al-Sārī (Cairo, 1293), 5/286–7Google Scholar, Ibn, Badrān, Tahdhīb Tarīkh Ibn ’Asākir(Damascus, 1329 H.), 1/49–50Google Scholar; Ibn ’Abd al-Hādī (d. 744 H.), Faḍā’il al-Shām (Cairo, 1988), 27–8Google Scholar; al-Albāmī, , Takhrīj Aḥadīth al- Raba’ī (Beirut, 1403 H.), 61–.3Google Scholar; Barazanjī (d. 1103 H.), al-hhā’a li-Ashrāṭ al-Sā’a (Cairo, 1393 H.), 48Google Scholar.
11 Nu‘aym, 7(b)–8(a); Ṭabarānī, M. K. 18/42; Ibn ’Asākir, , 1/222–4Google Scholar; Ibn Ḥanbal, 6/25; Wāsiṭī, , 52–3Google Scholar; Ibn al- Murajjā, I7(a–b); Ibn Kathīr, 1/83. See also Suyūṭī, 6/59; Qurṭubī, 2/321; al-Hādī, Ibn ’Abd, 27–8Google Scholar; Ibn Badrān, 1/49; Albānī, , 61–3Google Scholar; and compare with Ibn Manda, , 2/915–16.Google Scholar
12 Nu‘aym, u(a–b);, Ṭabarānī, 18/40–1, 54–5, 64, 66, 79–81Google Scholar; Ibn ’Asakir, 1/224; Ibn Ḥanbal, 6/22, 27; Bukhārī, 4/68; Abū’Ubayd, , 2/85–7Google Scholar; Ibn Abī Shayba, 15/104; Ibn Māja, 2/1341–.2, 1371; al-Ḥākim, 4/419, 422–3Google Scholar; Bayhaqī, 9/223 (but compare with 10/248); Ḍiyā’ al-Dīn, 70, al-MuttaqT, 6/11; Ibn Kathīr, 1/82, Qasṭalānī. 5/286–.7; Ibn Manda, 2/914; Ibn al-Jawzī (d. 597 H.), Gharīb al-ḤadGharīth, Beirut 1985, 2/171Google Scholar.
13 Nu‘aym, 8(a); Ṭabarānī, , 18/41–2, 54–5Google Scholar; al-Ḥākim, 4/422; but compare with Ibn Manda, , 2/914–15.Google Scholar
14 Ṭabarānī, 18/54–5, 66Google Scholar; Ibn Māja, , 2/1341–2Google Scholar, al-Ḥākim, , 4/419, 422–3Google Scholar; Bayhaqī;, 9/223; Ibn Kathīr, 1/82.
15 Nu‘aym, 8(a); Ibn Abī Shayba, 15/104.
16 Compare: Nu’aym, H7(a) – n8(a); al-Ḥākim, , 4/551–2Google Scholar; Qurṭubā, 2/318 quoting al-Irshād by Ibn Burjān
17 Al-Ḥākim, 4/419; Bayhaqī, 9/223.
18 Shayba, Ibn Abī, 15/104–5Google Scholar; Ibn,Ḥanbal 5/228; Ṭabarānī, 20/122, 173; Daylamī (d. 509 H.), al-Firdaws (Beirut, 1986), 2/237Google Scholar; al-Dīn, Ḍiyā’, 70–1Google Scholar; Ibn Kathīr, , 1/84–7Google Scholar, Haytharmī (d. 807 H.), Majma‘ al-Zawā’id (Cairo and Beirut, 1987)Google Scholar, 7/322; Suyūṭī, , al Durr, op. cit., 6/59Google Scholar;idem, al-Jāmi’ al-Kabīr (Cairo, 1978), 1/542.
19 Ibn Ḥanbal, 2/174, Ibn Kathīr, , 1/81–2Google Scholar; Suyūṭī, Durr 6/59 and J. K. 1/542; Haythamī, , 7/321–2.Google Scholar
20 Nu‘aym, 120(a); 131(a), I34(a–b); cf. also al-Muttaqī, 6/21.
21 Nu‘aym, 130(a–b).
22 Compare: Nu’aym, 120(a); Ibn Abī Shayba, , 5/325–6Google Scholar; Ibn Ḥanbal, , 4/91, 5/371–2, 409Google Scholar; Dawūd, Abū (d. 275 H.), Sunan (Beirut, n.d.)Google Scholar, 4/109–10; Ibn Maja, , 2/1369; Ṭabarānī, 4/235–6Google Scholar; al-Ḥākim, 4/421; Bayhaqī, , 9/223–4Google Scholar; Suyūūī, Durr 6/60 a n d j. K. 1/543 quoting also Ibn Ḥibbān, Baghawī, Bārūdī, Ibn Qāni’ and al-Ḍiyā’; Qurṭubī, , 2/313–14Google Scholar; Ibn Kathīr, 1/86; al-Muttaqī, 6/11; Haythamī, , Mawārid al-Ẓam’ān (Medina n.d.), 463Google Scholar. See also Barazanjī, 99, where a similar notion was introduced without being attributed to Dhū Mikhmar.
23 Nu‘aym, 13(b); Ṭabarānī, 4/236
24 Ṭabarānī, , 4/235–7.Google Scholar
25 Nu‘aym, 140(b).
26 Nu‘aym, 141(a).
27 Ṭabarānī, 8/120 and cf. Haythamī, 7/318–19 for Abū Umāma's tradition. The Ḥudhayfa one is recorded by Qurṭubī, 2/315–17.
28 Nu‘aym, 127(a–b).
29 Nu‘aym, 122(b)–123(a).
30 Nu‘aym, M9(b)–120(a). Note, however, that in fol. 135(0) part of this tradition was attributed through Tubay‘ to Ka’b.
31 Al-Ḥ;ākim, 4/463.
32 Nu‘aym, I36(b).
33 Nu‘aym, 115(b) – 117( a ).See also al-Ḥaā’irī, ,Ilzām al-Nāṣib (Beirut, 1984), 282Google Scholar. More on the malhama of the ‘Amq, below. For its identification as “ a district near Dābiq, between Ḥalab and Anṭākya” see Yāqūt (d. 626 H.), Mu’jam al-Buldān (Beirut, 1955), 1/222Google Scholar.
34 Nu‘aym, 141(b)–142(a).
35 Al-Khalīl b. Aḥmad al-Farāhīdī (d. 175 H.), Kitāb al-’Ayn (Baghdad, 1981), 3/245Google Scholar; Ibn Durayd (d. 321 H.), Jamhara (Haydarabad, 1345 H.), 2/190Google Scholar; Azharī, (d. 370 H.), Tahdhī (Cairo, 1964–1967), 5/104Google Scholar; Fāris, Ibn(d. 395 H.), Mu’jam, (Cairo, 1369 H.), 5/238Google Scholar; Sīda, Ibn (d. 458 H.), al-Muḥkam (Cairo, 1958), 3/283Google Scholar; Jawharī, , Tāj (Cairo, 1282 H.), 2/332Google Scholar; Fayrūzabādī, , al-Qāmūs al-Muḥīt (Cairo, 1935), 4/174Google Scholar.
36 Wansbrough, J., Quranic Studies (Oxford, 1977), pp. 4–5Google Scholar and compare with Goldziher, I., Muslim Studies (Eng. tr., London, 1971), p. 77, n. 2Google Scholar; E. I., newed., s.v. “Djafr” and Suppl., s.v. “ Malhama ”.
37 Ṭayālisī, (d.204 H.), Musnad (Beirut, 1406 H.), 51–2Google Scholar; Abdal-Razzāq, (d.211 H.), Musannaf (Beirut, 1983)Google Scholar, n/385–7; Shayba, Ibn Abī, 15/139–9Google Scholar; Ḥanbal, Ibn, Musnad 1/384–5, 435Google Scholar; idem, ’Hal (Beirut and Riyad, 1988), 1/382; Muslim, , Ṣaḥīḥ (Beirut, n.d.), 8/177–8Google Scholar; Ya’la, Abū (d. 307 H.), Musnad, (Damascus, 1987), 9/163–5, 259–60Google Scholar; al-Ḥākim, 4/476–7; QurtubT 2/314–15, quoting Marj al-Baḥrayn by Abū al-KhaṬṬāb b. Duḥya; Ibn Kathīr, 1/87–8; Ḥajar, Ibn (d. 852 H.), al Wuqūf (Cairo, 1988), p. 87Google Scholar.
38 Al-Fazārā, (d. 186 H.),K.al-Siyar (Beirut, 1987), p. 303Google Scholar; Shayba, Ibnī Ab, 15/146–7Google Scholar; Ibn Ḥanbal, , Musnad 1/178, 4/337–8Google Scholar; Muslim, 8/178; Ibn Māja, 2/1370; Ṭaḥāwī, (d. 321 H.), Mushkil al-Athār (Haydarabad, 1333 H.), 1/216–17Google Scholar; al-Ḥākim, 4/426; Abū Nu’aym, (d. 430), Ḥilya (Cairo, 1938), 8/256Google Scholar; Daylamī, 2/323; Ibn Kathīr, 1/91; Ḥajar, Ibn, Tahdhīb (Haydarabad, 1327 H.), 10/408Google Scholar. Compare also with Sakhāwī, , al-Qanā’a (Cairo, 1987), p.83Google Scholar.
39 Shayba, Ibn Abī, 15/40–1,135–6Google Scholar; Ibn Ḥanbal, 5/232, 245; Abū Dawūd, 4/no; Bukhārī, , al-Tārīkh, al-Kabīr (Haydarabad, 1954), 5/193Google Scholar; Ṭaḥāwī, 1/217; Ṭabāranī, 20/108; al-Ḥākim, , 4/420–1Google Scholar; Dhahabī, Talkhī$ in the margin of al-Ḥākim, ibid.; Wāsiṭī, 54; Ibn al-Murajjā, 76(b); Daylamī, 3/50; al-BaghdādTī, al-Khaṭib (d. 463 H.), Tārīkh Baghdād (Beirut, n.d.), 10/223Google Scholar; Ḍiyā’ al-Dīn, 71; Qurṭubī, 2/312; Ibn Kathīr, , 1/93–4Google Scholar; Suyūṭī, Durr 6/60; Sakhāwī, 83.
40 Compare Nu‘aym, 139(a); Ibn Abī Shayba, 15/40; Abū Dawūd, 4/110; Ibn Māja, 2/1370; Tirmidhī, , ṢaḤṭī (Cairo, 1934), 9/90Google Scholar; Ṭabarānī, 20/91; al-Ḥākim, 4/426; Daylamī, 4/231, Qurṭubī, 2/314; Ibn Kathīr, 1/96; Suyūṭī, Dun, 6/60; al-Muttaqī, 6/12; Barazanjī, 105; Ibn Ṭawūs (d. 664 H.), al-Malaḥim walFitan, (Najaf, 1963), 124Google Scholar, quoting K. al-Fitan by Abū Ṣāliḥ al-Sulaylī (written in 307 H.). I am indebted to M. J. Kister for this last source.
41 Abū Dawūd, 4/111; Ibn Māja, 2/1370; Qurṭubī, 2/134; Ibn Kathīr, 1/97; Sakhāwī, p. 83; Suyūṭī, Durr, 6/59. Compare also with Nu’aym, 130(a).
42 Ṭayālisī, , 133Google Scholar; Ibn Ḥanbal, 5/278; Abū Dawud, 4/111; Ṭayālisī, , 2/102–3Google Scholar; Abū Nu’aym, 1/182; Daylamī, 5/527; Ibn Ṭāwūs, , 129, 166–7Google Scholar; Qurṭubī, 2/315; Haythamī, 7/287; Ibn Ḥajar, Tahdhīb 8/75.
43 Nu‘aym, 133(b).
44 Compare: Nu‘aym, 125(b)–I26(a), 140(a–b); Ha’irī, , 292.Google Scholar
45 Nu‘aym, 123(b)–124(a).
46 Compare: Haythamī, , Kashf al-Astār (Beirut, 1979), 4/134Google Scholar and al-Muttaq‛, 6/26 with ’Abd al-Razzāq,11/388.
47 Nu‘aym, 122(b).
48 Nu‘aym, 126(b).
49 Nu‘aym, 136(a–b).
50 Nu‘aym, 130(3).
51 Nu‘aym, 126(b)–127(a).
52 Nu‘aym, 122(a–b), 132(a–b).
53 Nu‘aym, 141(a–b).
54 Nu‘aym, 125(b).
55 Nu‘aym, 139(a).
56 Nu‘aym, 140(b).
57 Compare Nu‘aym's 131(a’b), H3(b) and 144(a)–I45(a).
58 Nu‘aym, 132(b)‘133(a), 134(b)‘135(a), 137(a); Haythamī, 7/318 quoting Ṭ;abarānī's Awsaṭ.
59 Nu‘aym, 144(a–b).
60 Compare: Nu‘aym, 122(a–b), 139(b), 144(a).
61 Nu‘aym, 139(a–b).
62 Nu‘aym, 125(a).
63 Nu‘aym, 139(a).
64 Nu‘aym, 139(b).
65 ‘Abd al-Razzāq, 11/388; Nu‘aym, 120(b), 125(b), 132(a); al-Muttaqī, 6/26.
66 Nu‘aym, 120(b).
67 Nu‘aym, 139(b).
68 Nu‘aym, 119(b).
69 Nu‘aym, 125(b)–126(b). Compare also with 119(b) where the same was transmitted from Ka‘b by Awzā‘ī himself in a clearly maqṭū‘form.
70 Nu‘aym, 140(a–b).
71 Nu‘aym, 122(b).
72 Nu‘aym, 130(a).
73 Nu‘aym, 135(a–b).
74 Nu‘aym, 119(b).
75 Ibid.
76 Nu‘aym, 120(b).
77 Ibid.
78 Nu‘aym, 132(a–b).
79 Ibn ‘Asākir, , 1/602–3.Google Scholar
80 Ibn ‘Asakir, 1/603 and Nu‘aym, 139(a). Compare also with the latter's 136(b) where a similar tradition was reported from Khālid b. Ma‘dān.
81 Ibn ‘Asākir, ibid. Nu‘aym, 129(b).
82 Ibn ‘Asākir, , 1/603–4Google Scholar; Abū ‘Ubayd, , 4/190–1Google Scholar; Zamakhsharī, al-Fā‘.iq, 2/420. For the location of Ḥismā in the south of Palestine and modern Jordan, see: Gil, M., Palestine During the First Muslim Period (Tel Aviv, 1983), 1/15 (in Hebrew)Google Scholar.
83 Nu‘aym, 120(b).
84 Ibn ‘Asākir, , 1/226–7.Google Scholar
85 Ibn ‘Asākir, , 1/228–9.Google Scholar
86 Nu‘aym, 123(b)–124(a).
87 Nu‘aym, 128(a).
88 Ibid.
89 Nu‘aym, 124(b)–125(a).
90 Nu‘aym, 128(a).
91 Ibid.
92 Compare Nu‘aym, 131(b), 139(a); Ibn Māja, , 2/1369–70Google Scholar; al-Basawī, , (d. 277 H.), al-Ma‘rifa wa-l-Tārīkh (Baghdād, 1975)Google Scholar, 2/291; al-Ḥākim, 4/548; Ibn ‘Asākir, , 1/258–60Google Scholar; al-Albānī, Takhrīj Aḥādīth al-Raba‘ī, 59Google Scholar.
93 Nu‘aym, 114(b).
94 Nu‘aym, 120(b). Compare also with 129(b)–130(a).
95 Ibid., 120(b).
96 Compare Ibn Māja, , 2/1370–1Google Scholar; Ṭabarānī, , 17/21–2, al-Ḥākim, 4/483Google Scholar; Daylamī, 5/82; Qurṭubī, 2/352; Ibn Kathīr, , 1/90–1, 93Google Scholar; Haythamī, , 6/219–20Google Scholar; Suyūṭī, J. K., 1/904; idem, Durr, 6/60; al-Muttaqī, 6/10.
97 zṬabarānī, al-Mu‘jam al-Ṣaghīr, 1/231.
98 Haythamī, 4/15.
99 Bukhārī, . 2/222; Muslim, 1/90–1.Google Scholar Compare also with the variant isnād from Ibn ‘Umar given by Ibn Ḥ;ibbān in Haythamī, , Mawārid, 255Google Scholar.
100 Abū Dawūd, 4/97, 111. See also Ṭabarānī, M. S. 2/40, where he says that Salāḥ is the border between Medina and Khaybar.
101 Muslim, 1/90.
102 Ibn Ḥanbal, 1/184; Abū Ya‘lā, 2/99; Haythamī, 7/277 quoting Buzzār too.
103 Compare Haythamī, 7/278, 318; Suyūṭ,J. K., 1/675.
104 Nu‘aym, 137(a–b).
105 Muslim, 8/175–6Google Scholar; al-Ḥākim, , 4/482Google Scholar; Qurṭubī, 2/352; Nawawī, , 10/418–19Google Scholar; Ibn Kathīr, , 1/89–90Google Scholar; Suyūṭī, Durr, 6/59; al-Muttaqī, 6/9. See also Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 543 H.), Sharḥ in the margin of Timidhī, 9/83; Sakhāwī, 84; Barazanjī, , pp. 100–1.Google Scholar
106 Nu‘aym, 132(a).
107 Nu‘aym, 138(a).
108 Nu‘aym, 135(b).
109 Ibn ‘Asākir, 1/228; Badrān, Ibn, Tahdhīb (Damascus, 1329 H.)Google Scholar, 1/51; al-Muttaqī, 6/25.
110 Haythamī, 10/55 quoting Abū Ya‘lā and Ṭabarānī.
111 Nu‘aym, 137(b).
112 Nu‘aym, 130(b).
113 Nu‘aym, 115(a–b), 117(a), 121(a–b), 131(b), 133(b)–134(a). See also Haythamī, 7/319, quoting Bazzār.
114 Tirmidhī, , 9/90–1Google Scholar; Qurtubi, 2/353; Ibn Kathīr, 1/97; Suyūṭī, Durr, 6/95.
115 Ibn Abī Shayba, 15/157; cf. also al-Muttaqī, , 6/20–1Google Scholar; and compare with Ṭabarānī, , al-Awsaṭ, 1/365–6Google Scholar; aylamī, 2/62.
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118 Nu‘aym, 133(a)-135(a), 138(a).
119 Nu‘aym, 131 (a), 133(3), 138(a). Compare also with Daylamī, 5/82; al-Muttaqī, 6/20 quoting Ibn ‘Asākir; Ḥalīmī, (d. 403 H.), al-Minhāj Fī Shu‘ab al-Īmān (Beirut, 1979), 1/430Google Scholar; Mar‘ī, b. Yūsuf al-Maqdisī al-Ḥanbalī, Bahjat al-Nāẓirīn (MS. Khālidiyya, Jerusalem, 334), fol. 77(b)Google Scholar. I am indebted to L. Conrad for putting this last source at my disposal.
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122 Compare Ibn Ḥanbal, 4/193; Ṭabarānī, 22/214; al-Ḥākim, 4/462; Haythamī, 6/219; Suyūṭī, Durr, 6/59; Nu‘aym, 133(b). See also the variants in this last source, 138(b) and 141(a), where “al-shām” was substituted for the phrase: “between al-Darb and al-‘Arīsh” or “al-‘Arīsh and al-Furāt”, respectively.
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124 Nu‘aym, 140(b).
125 Nu‘aym, 133(a-b); Ibn Hanbal, 4/230; Muslim, 8/176–7Google Scholar; Ṭabarānī, , M. K., 20/319–20Google Scholar; Daylamī, 2/65; Ibn Ḥajar, , al-Wuqūf, 86–7Google Scholar; al-Muttaqī, 6/11; Ibn Kathīr, , 1/91–2Google Scholar; Sakhāwī, , 85–6.Google Scholar
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127 Compare Ibn Ḥanbal, 5/197; Abū Dawūd, 4/111; Basawī, 2/290; Ibn ‘Asākir, , 1/219–20Google Scholar, 222; al-Mundhirī, (d. 656 H.), al-Targhīb wa-l-Tarhīb (Cairo, n.d.), 4/63Google Scholar; Ibn Kathīr, 1/83, 89; Suyūtī, Durr, 6/59; al-Ḥākim, 4/486; Manīnī, (d. 1172 H.), al-I‘lām (Jaffa, n.d.), 56Google Scholar; Albānī, , Takhrīj, 35–6Google Scholar.
128 al-Salām, Ibn ‘Abd (d. 660 H.), Targhīb Ahl al-Islām (Jerusalem, 1940), 13Google Scholar; al-Hādī, Ibn ‘Abd (d. 774 H.), Faḍā‘il al-Shām (Cairo, 1988), 28Google Scholar; Haythamī, Majma’, 7/289, 10/57; Manīnī, 62; Compare also with Ibn ‘Asākir, 1/225–.6, where a variant of this tradition was reported in mursal forms by Makḥūl and Jubayr himself.
129 Ibn ‘Asākir, 1/227.
130 Ibn al-Murajjā, 78(b); Ibn ‘Asākir, 1/228; Ibn Badrān, 1/51. Compare also with Sakhāwī, p. 85, where he quotes al-Raba‘ī (d. 444 H.) for the same tradition but attributes it to Ka‘b.
131 Shayba, Ibn Abī, 5/324–5Google Scholar, 12/191; Ibn ‘Asākir, 1/229; al-Muttaqī, 6/15, 25.
132 Compare Nu‘aym, 66(b); al-Faqīh, Ibn, Mukhtaṣar Kitāb al-Buldān (Leiden, 1885), 104Google Scholar; Ibn Badrān, 1/51–2.
133 Nu‘aym, 66(b): “wa-marbiḍ thawr fihā afḍal min dār aẓīma bi-ḥimṣ” (and a resting place of an ox in it is far better than a great house in Himṣ).
134 Abu Ya‘lā, 11/302; Ibn al-Murajjā, 58(b)-59(a); Haythamī, Majma’, 7/288, 10/60–1; Ṭabarānī, al-Awsat 1/61; Manīnī, p. 59; Albānī, Takhrīj, 60–1; Ibn Ḥajar, al-Maṭālib 4/164, 336. Compare, however, with the variant transmitted from Abū Ṣāliḥ by al-Qa‘qā’ b. Ḥakīm (Medinese, d. 7), where neither Jerusalem nor Damascus are specified. Haythamī, Kashf al-Astār, 4/111.
135 Ibn al-Murajjā, 59(a-b); Basawī, 2/298; Haythamī, Majma’ 7/288–9; Ṭabarānī, M. K., 20/317–18.
136 Ibn Hanbal, 5/269; Wasiṭī, p. 26; al-Jawzī, Ibn (d. 597 H.), Fadā‘il al-Quds, (Beirut, 1980), pp. 93–4Google Scholar; Haythamī, Majma’, 7/288; Manīnī, p. 59; al-Dīn, Mujīr (d. 928 H.) al-Uns at-jalīl (‘Ammān, 1973), 1/227–8Google Scholar.
137 Ṭayālisī, p. 94; Humayd, Ibn (d. 249 H.), al-Muntakhab Min al-Musnad (Cairo, 1988), p. 115Google Scholar; Ibn Ḥanbal, 4/369; Ṭabaranī, M. K., 5/165; Haythamī, Kashf, 4/111.
138 Basawī, 2/297; Ibn ‘Abd al-Salām, p. 12; Manīnī, p. 60; Bukhārī, 4/187. Compare, however, with Muslim, 6/53, where Mālik's testimony was dropped.
139 Ibn al-Murajjā, 85(a-b).
140 Ibn al-Murajjā, 85(b); Mujīr al-Dīn, 1/228.
141 Compare Ibn al-Murajjā, 85(b); Ibn ‘Asākir, , 1/269–70Google Scholar; Haythamī, Majma’, 10/60; al-Dīn, Shams, Itḥāf al-Akhiṣṣā (Cairo, 1984), 2/140Google Scholar; Manīnī, p. 62; Albānī, Takhrīj 21; al-Mundhirī, 4/63.
142 Ibn al-Murajjā, 59(a-b).
143 This was reported in a tradition of Damra b. Ḥabīb, mawlā of Abū Rayḥāna, (a Ḥimṣī, d. 130 H.) on the authority of Abū Bakr b. Abī Maryam (d. 156 H.). Compare: Manṣūr, Sa‘īd b. (d. 227 H.), Sunan (Beirut, 1985), 2/192–3Google Scholar; Ibn al-Mubārak (d. 181), al-Zuhd, 305.
144 Sa‘īd b. Manṣūr, 2/160; cf. also Shams al-Dīn, 2/171.
145 Mundhirī, 2/152; Haythamī, Mawārid, 381; Suyūṭī, Durr, 2/115, quoting Ibn Hibbān and Bayhaqī.
146 Sa‘īd b. Manṣūr, 2/159; al-Muttaqī (ed. Haydarabad), 2/263.
147 al-Razzāq, ‘Abd, 5/280–1.Google Scholar
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149 Ṭabarānī, M. K., 6/267. See also Haythamī, Majma’, 5/290, where Salmān was said to have been on that occasion “murābiṭ on a coast” without specifying Ḥimṣ, and compare with al-Mubārak, Ibn, Kitāb al-Jihād (Beirut, 1971), 140Google Scholar, where “fī ḥiṣn” (in a fortress) was read instead of “fī ḥimṣ”.
150 Zur‘a, Abū (d. 281 H.), Tārīkh (Damascus, 1980), 1/222Google Scholar.
151 Ibid., 1/254.
152 Ḥibbān, Ibn (d. 354 H.), al-Majrūḥīn (Cairo, 1402), 1/118Google Scholar; al-Qaysarānī, Ibn (d. 507 H.) Kitāb Ma‘rifat al-Tadhkira (Beirut, 1985), p. 212Google Scholar; al-Jawzī, Ibn (d. 597 H.), Mawdū‘at (Medina, 1966), 2/227Google Scholar; Dhahabī (d. 748 H.), Mizān, 1/21; Suyūtī, , al-La‘ālī (Beirut, 1975), 2/136Google Scholar; al-Kinānī, (d. 963 H.), Tanzīh al-Sharī‘a (Beirut, 1979), 2/178Google Scholar; Shawkānī, (d. 1250 H.), al-Fawā‘id al-Majmū‘a, (Cairo, 1960), p. 208Google Scholar.
153 Ibn al-Jawzī, 2/227; Suyūṭī, 2/136; al-Kinānī, 2/178. Compare also with Haythamī, Majma’, 5/288, where a similar tradition was reported through Abū al-Dardā.
154 Abu Ya‘lā, 7/267; ‘Uqaylī, (d. 322 H.), al-Du‘afā’ al-Kabīr (Beirut, 1984), 2/102–3Google Scholar; Ibn Hibbān, 1/313; Daylamī, 2/146, 3/478; Ibn al-Qaysarānī, 211; Dhahabī, 1/378; Haythamī, 5/289.
155 Ibn Māja, 2/925. See also Mundhirī, 2/154.
156 Ibn Ḥanbal, 1/61, 65; al-Ḥākim, 2/81.
157 Compare Suyūṭī, Durr 2/114; Haythamī, Majma’, 5/289; Ṭabarānī, M. K., 24/254; Ibn Ḥanbal, 6/362; Mundhirī, 2/150.
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160 Tabarānī, M. K., 19/29; ‘Uqaylī, , 2/21–2;Google Scholar Nu‘aym, Abū (d. 430 H.), Hilya (Cairo, 1933), 3/125Google Scholar; al-Ḥākim 3/587; Albānī, , Silsilat…, 1/399–400Google Scholar; Dhahabī, Mizān, 1/312; Hajar, Ibn, Lisān (Haydarabad, 1330 H.), 2/407–8Google Scholar; Kinānī, 2/178, quoting Ibn Qāni’ for it.
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162 Tabarānī, M. K., 8/229; Haythamī, Majma’, 10/62; Dhahabī, Mīzaln, 2/177; Ibn Ḥajar, Lisān, 4/128; Kinānī, 2/58. On the location of Anafa see Yāqūt, 1/271.
163 This was also reported in a mursal form by Yazīd b. Rabīa. Compare Daylamī, 5/103; Shams al-Dīn, 2/169; Mujīr al-Dīn, 1/234; Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Suyūṭī (wrote in 875 H.), Faḍā’il al-Shām (MS. Princeton, Yehuda 1/264), fol. I24(a).
164 Dhahabī, 1/61; Kinānī, 2/57.
165 The other three are the well of Zamzam in Mecca, the spring of Silwān in Jerusalem and the spring of alFulūs in Baysān. This tradition was either attributed to the Prophet through Abū Hurayra or else reported by Muqātil b. Sulaymān (d. 150 H.) in a mursal form. See Ibn al-Murajjā, 95(a); al-Firkāḥ, Ibn, Bāith al-Nufūs, JPOS 15 (1935). PP. 70, 81Google Scholar. On the sanctity o f ‘ Ayn al-Baqar in Yāqūtīs time see his 4/176.
166 Anon., , Faṣl Fī Faḍā'il ‘Akkā’. (MS. Princeton, Yehuda, 4183), fols. 38(b)–41(b)Google Scholar. The tradition “ṭūbā li-man ra’;ā ‘akkā’” was noted also by Yāqūt, 4/41. On other sources which bring such traditions see a tract by Azharī (wrote in 1172 H.) entitled al-Raqīm, which aimed at refuting them. MS. Princeton, Yehuda (5923), 92(a)–94(a).
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173 Ibn al-Firkāḥ, p. 70.
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177 Ibn al-Faqīh, 103; Suyüṭī, 1/463; Kinānī, 2/49, quoting Ibn ‘Asākir.
178 Yāqūt, 4/122.
179 A wide coverage of this subject was done by Donner, F. M., The Early Islamic Conquests (Princeton, 1983), pp. 91–5Google Scholar. See also Sharon, M., “ The military reforms of Abu Muslim…” in Sharon, M., ed., Studies in Islamic History… (Jerusalem, 1986), pp. 106–12Google Scholar.
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181 Pseudo-Wāqidī, , Futūḥ al-Shām (Cairo, 1368)Google Scholar. From 1/87 we learn that those who reconquered Ḥimṣ were overwhelmingly ‘abīd and mawālī who numbered four thousand while the ‘arab numbered only one thousand under Khālid b. al-Walild. On the conversion of ‘Abdullāh Yūqannā, governor (biṭrīq/ṣaḥib) of Ḥalab and his leading role in the conquest of Syria, Mesopotamia and even Egypt, see 1/175. On the kings of the Christian peoples summoned by Heraclius for the battle of Yarmūk, see 1/96–7Google Scholar. On the role of ṣāḥib rūmya, Falinṭānus and his conversion to Islam during the battle over Antioch, as well as the idea that Heraclius himself professed Islam, see 1/195, 198. The present author is currently engaged in a critical edition of this unique source.
182 Pseudo-Wāqidī on Jabala, King of the Arab mutanaṣṣira from B. Ghassān, Lakham andjudhām, in 1/97 and Donner, p. 154 n. 303.
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186 Ibid.
187 Ibid., p. 46.
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204 Ibn al-Murajjā, 82(b).
205 Theophanes, pp. 53–.4.
206 Balādhurī, Futūh, pp. 148–.9.
207 Ibid.
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