The following account of the excavations conducted by Mr. E. A. Gardner, Mr. Tubbs, and myself in the spring of this year on behalf of the Cyprus Exploration Fund does not pretend to exhaust all the results of the enterprise. Many questions are raised which are not answered, and more problems are suggested than are solved. The reason is partly to be sought in the necessity, in view of coming engagements, of rapidly completing the account for publication. Time is lacking for prolonged search for parallels and collation of authorities, and the tardy arrival of the antiquities in this country, together with their need of much cleaning and mending, has robbed us of many opportunities for leisurely study of them. So far we may hope that the deficiencies will be speedily made good by supplementary elucidations from more experienced archaeologists, or by our own exertions in the future. But far more is the incompleteness due to the nature of the subject. Sufficient evidence to support general conclusions is scarcely available, and the sceptical distrust engendered by experience on the site has only grown with further reflection and investigation. Here we can only look to the progress of general and especially Cypriote archaeology. We are each of us solely responsible for the sections we have respectively undertaken, but hope that no irreconcilable views are expressed.

Professor R. M. Cook has performed a valuable service by raising again the question of the meaning of this word in this context. He finds that the weight of argument goes against the view that it means ‘fashioned with his own hands,’ in favour of its implying ownership of the workshop from which the vessel issued. In the end I disagree with Professor Cook, but the evidence is difficult to evaluate and appears contradictory, and certainly does not justify an unquestioning acceptance of the first interpretation. There are perhaps a few more general observations to be made, and a few points on which his remarks require modification.

1. The position of those who interpret the word as ‘fashioned’ is not always quite so unquestioning as he seems to suggest. Beazley wrote in Potter and Painter in Ancient Athens (1944): ‘Two explanations have been offered for the epoiese-signature. One, that it gives the name of the potter, the man who fashioned the vase; the other, that it gives no more than the owner of the establishment from which the vase came. At one time I held it more prudent to adopt the second explanation: but I now believe that, in general, the first explanation is the right one: Ευφρονιος εποιεσεν means that Euphronios fashioned the vase with his own hands.’

2. Professor Cook writes that he knows only three vases which bear the same name with both egrapsen and epoiesen: two by Exekias and one by Douris.

It is a pleasure to record this year that the promise of more substantial results held out in the previous slender reports from Greece has not been disappointed, and that the discoveries made in the latter part of 1949 and the year 1950 challenge comparison with any prewar years. The Archaeological Society has undertaken a number of new excavations in different parts of the country and has already achieved some remarkable successes. The foreign Schools have not lessened their endeavours; the Italian School has resumed its activity in the field, and the French have supplemented their achievements on land by commencing a systematic investigation of inshore waters. The Herákleion Museum is now open again. In Eleusis and Tegea the museums are being reconstituted, and that at Sparta has been reopened; the Hermes of Praxiteles has been brought above ground again at Olympia. A new wing comprising an exhibition gallery and workrooms has been added to the Corinth Museum. The museum in Thera is to be set in order, and the archaeological collection at Syra has been re-assembled in the Town Hall. In Athens, there are now six exhibition galleries open in the National Museum with a splendid selection which ranges from early Hellenic to the fourth century B.C.; a new gallery has been constructed in the Byzantine Museum to hold select exhibits, and a library and rooms for study are being fitted out in the cellars of the main building there. Under Prof. A. Orlandos' direction many Byzantine churches and monasteries which needed attention have been put in order in the last year.

The battered stone which bears the bouleutic oath and a decree of the demos about the boule has the same width as and is universally agreed to be a companion piece to IG i2 115. That text begins with a decree of 409–8 ordering the anagrapheis to obtain Draco's law on homicide (from the basileus, as R. S. Stroud will show) and write it on the stone. On the face of it, they are merely to make a copy, and, though the stray voice has been raised to suggest that they altered the text, most discussion has been about the age of the text before them and the changes that it might have undergone before 409.

The bouleutic stone is unprotected by a decree, as it stands, and encouragement for those who might wish to suppose that it represents a revised text comes from Philochorus F 140, which suggests a change in legislation about the boule in 410–9. There has not, to my knowledge, been any very great enthusiasm for massive revision or new formulation. To put it at a minimum, (1. 34) and (l. 41) do not sound like consitutional procedure or even formal language of 410, and there has been at least one attempt to carry the whole document back beyond the Persian War. The archaisms convinced even Hignett ‘that it was to some extent a copy of an earlier law’, but he found it ‘incredible that in 410, when the full democracy had just been restored after an oligarchic interlude, a law on this subject should have been no more than a faithful copy of a previous law; some additional safeguards suggested by previous experience must have been inserted.’

It is a well-known fact that the Scottish painter Gavin Hamilton was the most active and successful of the band of excavators at work on Italian soil in the second half of the eighteenth century. He was employed by several collectors, notably by Charles Townley, and by Lord Shelburne, and, apart from his work as an artist, he carried on an active business in obtaining concessions of promising spots, and in the restoration and export of the proceeds of his excavations.

Until a recent date, our chief information with respect to Hamilton's diggings was derived from a summary, drawn up by Dallaway, of Hamilton's letters to Townley. The original letters appear to be lost, and Prof. Michaelis was unable to trace them, when he was investigating this subject. Other details, copied by Townley from the letters into his MS. inventories, have thence found their way into the British Museum Marbles, and other works on the Townley sculptures.

The prevalent notions about the Greek house, however much they have varied from one another, have usually agreed on certain essential characteristics; indeed, it may almost be said that there is a general consensus of opinion among archaeologists in favour of a normal plan such as that given in P. Gardner and Jevons' Manual of Greek Antiquities. According to this plan the Greek house consists of two courts; the first, which is entered through a vestibule from the street, is called the ἀνδρωνῖτις it is the court of the men, and is surrounded by colonnades, out of which open the living and sleeping rooms of the male members of the household. Behind this is a passage, closed by the μέταυλος or μέσαυλος θύρα leading into a second court called the γυναικωνῖτις or court of the women. At the back of this second court is the deep recess known as the παστὰς προστάς on the other sides are colonnades; and around the court are the living and sleeping rooms of the women, the largest and most important, the θάλαμος and ἀμφιθάλαμος being on either side of the παστάς

[The premature death of Reginald P. Austin, which took place on April 12, 1943, brought to a wide circle the loss of a singularly loyal and lovable friend, and impoverished all students of Greek archaeology and history, to the study and teaching of which he had made, and would have continued to make, contributions of marked value. His admirably clear and detailed reports on his excavations at Haliartus in 1926 and 1931 (BSA xxvii, 81 ff., xxviii, 128 ff., xxxii, 180 ff.) and his article on the epigraphical contents of an unpublished diary of Sir William Gell (BSA xxvii, 69 ff.) showed those same qualities of thoroughness and accuracy which marked his valuable work on The Stoichedon Style in Greek Inscription.

At the suggestion of Professor Larsen of Chicago, a young American scholar, Dr. C. A. Roebuck, undertook a few years ago to write ‘A History of Messenia from 369 to 146 B.C.’ (diss. Chicago, 1941, pp. iii-128). It is perhaps too late to review it. And it might seem ungracious to criticise it. Though, in Dr. Roebuck's dissertation there is very little that is objectionable (save, perhaps, a question of approach, which I shall deal with presently, and a few points of detail on which I shall dwell at the end of this brief note). The author's merits are unquestioned.

As the last of his ‘artis metricae scriptorum testimonia’ for Stesichorus, 275 (b), Page gives the following entry: ‘Suda iv 586 A[dler] s.v. τρία Στησιχόρου … ἐπῳδικὴ γὰρ πᾶσα ἡ Στησιχόρου ποίησις; Diogenian. cent. vii 14 (et alii) οὐδὲ τὰ τρία Στησιχόρου γινώσκεις, sim. al., vid. L–S ad loc. i 288’. There are, in fact, far more testimonia than indicated by the out-dated and rather meagre note of Leutsch-Schneidewin, and it is essential to discover the way in which these various references are phrased. For an attempt to reach the original form of the proverb, and an interpretation based on the exact wording of this original, was the basis of Otto Crusius’ ‘Stesichorus und die epodische Composition in der gr. Lyrik’, the only truly critical examination of the proverb's various forms and sources that has so far been undertaken.

The following inscriptions were copied on a journey made in April and May, 1911, in Lycia. We were accompanied throughout by Mr. Nikola Michael Ferteklis of Adalia, to whom our best thanks are due. We have also to acknowledge assistance from Mr. Tod and Mr. Woodward in the publication of the texts, and from Mr. Arkwright in the interpretation of the Lycian fragment from the Fellendagh (No. 29), and with certain of the names. Our other obligations are noted in their place. An accident to one of our horses, while we were crossing the Xanthus marshes on the way to Patara, damageda great part of our squeeze paper and we have had in a number of cases to rely only on our copies. It has seemed better therefore to state the cases where we had an impression, and where we had only a copy on which to rely.

It is well known that Evans was not greatly interested in what happened in Crete after the devastation of the Knossian Palace, an event he placed at the very end of his Late Minoan II period. In his view, the Palace was not immediately re-occupied: some time after the catastrophe of 1400, it was inhabited by ‘squatters’, who repaired some of the damaged parts of the building but for the most part simply cleared away the rubbish deposited at the time of the destruction and lived in the Palace without substantially altering it. Evans believed that after the end of the Palatial period at Knossos the main vigour of the Minoan civilisation flowed into its Mycenaean branch and was responsible for the Achaean hegemony of the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries. However, the settlements at Knossos and elsewhere in Crete still preserved, though in a muted form, basic elements of the venerable native culture. The contents of the tombs in the Zapher Papoura cemetery, in use both before and after the great destruction, showed that the continuity of Minoan burial customs and pottery styles was not arrested. Evans nowhere tried to resolve the paradox which confronts anyone who takes his view of Late Minoan III Crete. On the one hand, we have the picture of a more or less impoverished country which had lost most of its importance, lying outside the main developments of the Mycenaean world and above all preserving its own culture at a time when the rest of the Aegean had been absorbed into a Mycenaean koine. On the other hand, both the Iliad and the Odyssey speak of a well-populated island of many cities which provides, under the leadership of Idomeneus, one of the largest of the Greek contingents before Troy; nothing in Homer suggests that Idomeneus is not as thoroughly ‘Achaean’ as Agamemnon himself.

The Hall of the Mystae is a Roman building on the western slope of the ancient town of Melos. The principal object and result of the excavation begun by Mr. D. Mackenzie and myself in April and extended by Mr. Cecil Smith in May 1896, was to put on record its fine mosaic pavement. We were fortunate in being able to call to our aid a skilful and indefatigable draughtsman. Mr. Charles Clark, architect to the School, joined us in Melos as soon as he could be spared from the Athens excavations, and worked upon the mosaic for several weeks in the full heat and glare of a Mediterranean summer. Of the illustrations, fruits of his patient labour, which this paper serves to introduce, Plate I. represents the two figured panels on the scale of 1:25, and is a very faithful rendering of their general effect; while Plate II. gives part of the finest panel on the scale of 1:5, and shows the method of execution in detail; it is reproduced from one of a series of rubbings' coloured cube by cube upon the spot, which are practically full-size facsimiles of all the principal figures. The spirited figure of the cock (Plate III.), supplied by another rubbing, gives a good idea of the life-like force of the design. For the restoration attempted in the key-plan (Fig. 4) we are jointly responsible.

In the warfare between the Eastern Empire and the Caliphate in the ninth century, one of the most famous passages is the expedition of Mutasim, which was signalised by the siege and capture of Amorion, in A.D. 838. The best, in fact the only full, narrative of the campaign is preserved in the Chronicle of Tabari (A. H. 223). His account of the opening operations of the invading armies is beset with certain geographical difficulties which I propose to consider in this paper, with the help of material supplied in the writings of Professor Ramsay, and in the hope that he may be able to throw further light on the subject.

The Caliph invaded Asia Minor with three armies. His objective was in the first instance Ancyra. His general, Afshin, in command of what we may call the Eastern army, crossed the Taurus by the pass of Hadath (Adata), and presumably his route was by Arabissos, Tzamandos, and Sebastea. The two divisions of the Western army, under the Caliph himself and Ashnas, started from Cilicia and crossed by the Cilician gates.

This article uses evidence drawn from hymenaios and wedding ritual to reach a new interpretation of the third stasimon of the Hippolytos, and its rôle in the play. There is longstanding contention about whether a second (male) chorus participates in the ode, singing in antiphony with the existing tragic chorus. Even scholars who accept that a second chorus is present have tended to regard it as an aberration which needs to be explained away, rather than a deliberate choice with poetic significance. I discuss the cultural implications of such a chorus, examining our evidence for real-life mixed choruses, and then applying this to the ode itself. The evidence for mixed choruses suggests they are strongly associated with marriage. Looking more closely at the language and imagery of the ode, there are allusions to the topoi of wedding songs and ritual running through it. The ode can use these as a device to trigger deep-rooted responses and associations from the audience, as these motifs are drawn from the cultural tradition which the audience shares. The topoi tie in with the theme of marriage and sexuality within the Hippolytos as a whole. But while their usual purpose is to set up conventional models and ways of thinking, the way they are deployed in the ode in fact serves to undermine these models, and to put a darker spin on the norms of sexual behaviour. This strand of imagery therefore also provides a filter for interpreting Hippolytos' own attitude towards sexuality, and a guide to how we are meant to respond to it.

Pl. V, 1 and 2 shows a plastic vase in the British Museum, in the form of an antelope's head, cut off flat at the base of the neck and with the orifice in the right ear. The clay is light reddish-brown with a very smooth surface, the glaze brownish-black. The horns, ears, eyelids, pupils, muzzle and outlines of jaws are black, the face is covered with fine black dots, the neck and throat and the burr of the horns with short black strokes; there are white dots on the muzzle, red in the interior of ears and nostrils, and an incised line round the pupils. Under the base is a black rosette with a white dot on each petal (Pl. V, 2). Horns and ears are broken off, but are preserved complete on a replica in Berlin (Fig. 1, a and Pl. V, 3). Mlle. Maximova pointed out the connexion of the two vases, though she wrongly stated that the London vase had no orifice. She mentioned two others with the orifice in the ear—a bull's head in Berlin and a ram's head in Florence, both also cut off flat at the neck. The bull's head has no other resemblance to the antelopes', but the ram's appears from the description to be of similar style. The main peculiarity of the painting of the antelopes' heads—the covering of some areas with fine dots and others with short dashes—recurs on a number of other vases.

This paper is the sequel to one dealing with the chronology of the battles of Andres and Cos, published in the last number of this Journal: in it I propose to consider such information as we have about a great ship belonging to Antigonus Gonatas, which may throw some little additional light on these two battles. It is perhaps unnecessary to recall the fact that the third century B.C. was distinguished by a colossal series of experiments in the building of large warships, and that the limits of the effective history of these in action, so far as known to us, coincide pretty well (omitting Antony's revival) with those of the effective action of the Antigonid dynasty at sea: that is to say, ships larger than hexereis are not heard of in action earlier than the time of Antigonus I. or later than the time of Philip V. I make one assumption in this paper, if it be an assumption and not an axiom: I shall suppose that what is true alike of the earliest flint axes and of the modern battleship was true of the naval war-machines of the third century B.C., and that the advances made in building, dimly as we can distinguish them, were due, not to this or that chance or whim, but to a linked process of development.

Among the fragmentary works of the Neoplatonist philosopher Porphyry of Tyre are some reasonably substantial remains of his essay on the interpretation of cult images, On Statues (περì Ἀγαλμάτων). My study falls into two parts. Firstly, I assess the major source of our fragments, Eusebius of Caesarea’s Praeparatio Evangelica, and argue that the full text of On Statues would have looked quite different, and in particular much less Stoic, than the surviving fragments would suggest. Secondly, I turn to consider what these fragments tell us about Porphyry’s thoughts on the interpretation of images and the place of these thoughts in the wider history of viewing.

The chorus' depiction of Ares as a ‘gold-changer of bodies’ and trader in precious metals underscores the increased intersection of finances and war in fifth-century Athens. The metaphor's details point to three contemporary developments (in addition to the patrios nomos allusion noted by Fraenkel): the increased conscription of citizens, the institution of pay for military service, and the payment of financial support for war orphans. And as leader of the Delian League, Athens itself resembled the war-god, establishing equivalents between men and money, and profiting from its acceptance of tribute payments in a variety of currencies. Taken together, the metaphor's contemporary dimensions probably had an unsettling effect on the Athenian audience.

This account owes much to the kind co-operation of those who at short notice supplied me with information and photographs; I would here offer my thanks to them, and also to Professor Karo, who generously placed at my disposal the typescript of his article for the Archaeologischer Anzeiger, to Mr. T. J. Dunbabin, without whose assistance it could not have been completed, and finally to Professor Myres, who has kindly read it.

Athens and Attica

A stretch of the north wall of the Acropolis was threatened with collapse by a fracture in the rock which supports it; the rock has accordingly been underpinned with solid masonry at this point, and extensive reinforcements of the same kind have been provided at other weak points. The character of the rock face has been considerably altered by this work, but a disaster has been averted; care has been taken to preserve such ancient features as the underground passage from the Aglaurion.

Broneer has followed up his investigations on the north slope of the Acropolis by an examination of the cave at the east end. In removing the top of the dump from the entrance to the cave a number of important pottery fragments were found, some of which join with the Acropolis vases. Within the cave a stele cut on the right-hand side of the entrance provides the solitary evidence of occupation in antiquity.