When asked to write an utterance, nursery children and kindergartners often produce strings of unrelated characters. We analysed whether these invented writings reflect similarities and differences in the phonetic and semantic aspects of the utterance. One hundred and twenty Israeli children were asked to write pairs of nouns that share a syllable (e.g. pe ‘mouth’ and perach ‘flower’) and series of sentences that share either mainly nouns or mainly verbs. The older the children, the more their invented writing reflected common linguistic elements and length of utterance. Similarities and differences on the word level were represented at a younger age than those on the syllabic level. Nouns were represented in children's written productions earlier than verbs and adverbs. Invented writing was interpreted as a linguistic act, drawing on the semantic, syntactic and phonological levels of language.

Interaction sequences are explored which are initiated by either child requests or adult offers of objects. The focus is on those sequences in which the child does not want an object that is passed to her, and on how the child manages such an interactional contingency. Throughout the age range in question, 1;0 to 1;8, the child uses re-requests where this contingency occurs in request sequences. The analysis traces the development of these re-requests and compares them with other forms of re-request. In addition, differences are uncovered as between request and offer sequences concerning the child's ways of dealing with an unwanted object that is passed to her. Linkages are made between these themes and work on third position repair within conversation analysis. Home based video-recordings of one child between the ages of 1;0 and 1;8 constitute the data base for the study.

The pronoun system provides a fruitful area for investigating the conditions under which children make linguistic generalizations. Pronouns are defined by a complex of semantic, syntactic, and morphological distinctions whose interaction is only partially consistent. In the course of acquiring them, children often make systematic errors which reflect novel generalizations from the adult input. A distributional analysis was applied to the errors made by 48 children in marking distinctions of person, possession, and case in their spontaneous use of pronouns. The analysis indicated that children do not make maximal generalizations which extend a particular feature to all related contexts. Rather, they acquire specific complexes of features, and are quite conservative in extrapolating from one feature complex to another.

The purpose of this research was to investigate the potential interaction of conceptual representations and linguistic systems in the process of language acquisition. Language–thought interactions were studied in 80 American, 48 Finnish and 48 Polish preschool children. The research focused on the conceptual and linguistic development of space and time. The spatial and temporal conceptual tasks were designed to measure the transition from experiential to inferential knowledge of space/time representations. In the linguistic domain, comprehension and production tests were used to evaluate the children's capacity to understand mono- and bi-referential location in space and time, where mono-referential location involves a single referent object/event with intrinsic properties (e.g. in/on or past/non-past), and bi-referential location requires two or more referent objects/events and relative perspective (e.g. deictic front/back or before/after). The conceptual and linguistic tests revealed significant changes during the period from two to five years of age, and measures of conceptual development were correlated with measures of linguistic development. As spatial and temporal representations became more structured, children were able to move from mono- to bi-referential location. In a comprehension test, we discovered an interaction of language by dimension. Finnish children found spatial distinctions relatively easy and Polish children found temporal distinctions relatively easy. This interaction was expected on the basis of the relative complexity of the morpho-syntactic coding in the spatial and temporal systems of the two languages. However, the argument relating the timing of acquisition to the transparency versus opacity of the linguistic systems was not supported by the English language comparison. Finally, the Finnish children were relatively better able to accomplish the spatial conceptual tasks as compared to the Polish children. This finding is consistent with a developmental concept of linguistic relativity. In general, the research indicates that spatial and temporal linguistic systems and representational knowledge interact during development with the influence occurring in both directions.

There has been a growing trend in recent years towards the attribution of adult-like syntactic categories to young language-learning children. This is based, at least in part, on studies which claim to have found positive evidence for syntactic phrase structure categories in young children's speech. However, these claims contradict the findings of previous research which suggest that the categories underlying children's early multi-word speech are much more limited in scope. The present study represents an attempt to reconcile the findings of these different lines of research by focusing specifically on Valian's (1986) criteria for attributing the syntactic category of determiner to young children. The aim is, firstly, to replicate Valian's results regarding her determiner criteria on a new sample of seven children between the ages of 1;20 and 2;6; secondly, to investigate the extent to which children show overlap in the contexts in which they use different determiner types; and, thirdly, to compare this with a controlled measure of the overlap shown by competent adult speakers. The results suggest that Valian's criteria for attributing a syntactic determiner category are too generous and could be passed by children with a relatively small amount of limited scope knowledge. They also provide at least some evidence that a limited scope formula account of children's early determiner use may fit the data better than an adult-like syntactic account.

Studies of locatives suggest regularities in order and age of acquisition, including systematic changes in context of use for behind and in front of. The present investigation extends earlier work by utilizing more naturalistic elicitation procedures and exploring an early use of behind and in front of with large reference objects. Thirty-three children, ages 2; 7 to 4; 7, told puppets where to look for missing objects. Results indicate an order of acquisition for English locatives which is consistent with prior reports. However, the puppet story method elicited given locatives at younger ages, and the first uses of behind occurred with large, non-featured reference objects. The patterns of use for behind and in front of suggest an acquisition process in which new conceptual resources lead to the re-analysis of object configurations and thus to new aspects of meaning.

Children understand gesture+speech combinations in which a deictic gesture adds new information to the accompanying speech by age 1;6 (Morford & Goldin-Meadow, 1992; ‘push’+point at ball). This study explores how early children understand gesture+speech combinations in which an iconic gesture conveys additional information not found in the accompanying speech (e.g., ‘read’+BOOK gesture). Our analysis of two- to four-year-old children's responses in a gesture+speech comprehension task showed that children grasp the meaning of iconic co-speech gestures by age three and continue to improve their understanding with age. Overall, our study highlights the important role gesture plays in language comprehension as children learn to unpack increasingly complex communications addressed to them at the early ages.

The distinctions between the mental terms, know, think and sure was examined in an experiment with 60 children between three and six years of age. The children were required to find an object hidden in one of two places. Their only clues were two statements involving contrasting mental terms, with each statement referring to one of the possible hiding places. Results showed a significant improvement with age for the know-think and sure-think contrasts, with think treated as a less reliable index of location than both know and sure by four to five years of age. No change with age was found for know-sure contrast. It is concluded that by four to five years of age, children recognize the function of mental terms to express degrees of certainty, and that this understanding is probably not based on the factive properties of the terms.

This paper examines the role of age, working memory span and phonological ability in the mastery of ten different grammatical constructions. Six- through eleven-year-old children (n=68) and adults (n=19) performed a grammaticality judgment task as well as tests of working memory capacity and receptive phonological ability. Children showed early mastery of some grammatical structures (e.g. word order, article omissions) while even the oldest children differed from adults on others (e.g. past tense, third person singular agreement). Working memory capacity and phonological ability accounted for variance in grammaticality judgments above and beyond age effects. In particular, working memory capacity correlated with structures involving verb morphology and word order; phonological ability was important for structures with low phonetic substance. Children's relative difficulty with the different constructions showed parallels to adult performance under memory load stress, indicating working memory capacity may be a limiting factor in their performance. Implications for performance by memory and phonologically impaired populations are discussed.

The present study examined early vocabulary development in fifty-nine French monolingual and fifty French–English bilingual infants (1;4–1;6). Vocabulary comprehension was assessed using both parental report (MacArthur-Bates Communicative Development Inventory; CDI) and the Computerized Comprehension Task (CCT). When assessing receptive vocabulary development using parental report, the bilinguals knew more words in their L1 versus their L2. However, young bilinguals were as accurate in L1 as they were in L2 on the CCT, and exhibited no difference in speed of word comprehension across languages. The proportion of translation equivalents in comprehension varied widely within this sample of young bilinguals and was linked to both measures of vocabulary size but not to speed of word retrieval or exposure to L2. Interestingly, the monolinguals outperformed the bilinguals with respect to accuracy but not reaction time in their L1 and L2. These results highlight the importance of using multiple measures to assess early vocabulary development.

Previous studies of children's knowledge of grammatical well-formedness have typically involved eliciting acceptability judgements from children. In the present study, children were expected to employ their tacit knowledge of the rules of grammar to correct sentences containing grammatical rule violations. Two groups of children (mean ages of 5;5 and 6;4) were presented with ungrammatical sentences resulting from either word-order changes or morpheme deletions. The results indicated that both groups of children performed well when presented with ungrammatical sentences containing morpheme deletions; but the performance of both groups was lower for the word-order violations, with the difference between the two types being greater for the 5-year-olds. It is argued that these results reflect differences in the extent to which the two types of rule violations rendered the original sentences meaningless.

Language exerts a powerful influence on our concepts. We review evidence documenting the developmental origins of a precocious link between language and object categories in very young infants. This collection of studies documents a cascading process in which early links between language and cognition provide the foundation for later, more precise ones. We propose that, early in life, language promotes categorization at least in part through its status as a social, communicative signal. But over the first year, infants home in on the referential power of language and, by their second year, begin teasing apart distinct kinds of names (e.g. nouns, adjectives) and their relation to distinct kinds of concepts (e.g. object categories, properties). To complement this proposal, we also relate this evidence to several alternative accounts of language's effect on categorization, appealing to similarity (‘labels-as-features’), familiarity (‘auditory overshadowing’), and communicative biases (‘natural pedagogy’).

Defining is a metalinguistic skill. This study charts the development of the ability to define. A total of 120 participants (40 at each of the ages of 10, 14 and 18 years) defined eight concrete and eight abstract nouns. Each definition was coded to identify the types of responses present in it. Results indicate that there are significant differences in the way concrete and abstract nouns are defined. All three age-groups defined concrete nouns mainly by class and characteristic responses. But it was not until age 18 that abstract nouns were defined by class and characteristic responses. The development of abstract noun definitions follows the development of concrete noun definitions. The ability to define is dependent upon knowledge of the meaning of the word but it is also dependent upon implicit or explicit knowledge of the definitional form. The ability to define abstract nouns is a late developing metalinguistic skill.

The count/mass distinction represents a categorical differentiation of nouns into count nouns which can be individuated when quantified (e.g. a car, several tables) and mass nouns which may not (cf. *a water, *several sands). The emergence of this distinction was examined in the longitudinal speech data of two children. In the first analysis, use of count nouns and mass nouns was compared in noun phrase contexts that require count nouns (e.g. a X, another X). It was found that from the earliest samples children used more count nouns in these contexts, hence showing a distributional distinction of noun types. This result suggests very rapid acquisition of count/mass subcategories. A series of further analyses assessed the possibility that early differentiation of count and mass nouns may be due to rote learning. No evidence was found for this proposal. A final analysis examined the development of a rule that requires that singular count nouns must be modified by a determiner. Acquisition here was found to be more protracted in nature since determiners are not used consistently in ‘telegraphic’ speech. Problems concerning the learnability of the obligatory determiner rule are discussed along with some speculations concerning the role of semantics in the acquisition of the count/mass distinction.

This study compared the effects of three types of adult feedback (acceptance, correction with joint labelling, and correction with explanation) on young children's inappropriate word usage. Four children were visited in their homes twice a week, from the time they were between 1;1 and 1;3 until they were approximately 1;7. Differential feedback was applied by the experimenter whenever the children extended a term to referents that were inappropriate, but similar to appropriate ones. Comprehension and production probes were administered prior to, during, and following the feedback trials to assess changes in word usage over time. Results indicated that the three types of feedback varied in their relative effectiveness in facilitating a positive change in word usage. Correction with explanation was more effective than correction with joint labelling, which in turn was more effective than simple acceptance.

Subjects aged 3;6–9;0 were asked to judge sentences in which much and many modified prototypical and non-prototypical mass and count nouns, and to correct those sentences judged to be deviant. The experimental results indicate that children do not approach the co-occurrence conditions of much and many with various nouns from a semantic point of view, but rather from a morphosyntactic or surface-distributional one. Children learn the proper form that the noun must take in these constructions before they learn the proper choice of quantifier. In addition, they reserve many for use with plural count nouns long before they learn that much is restricted in direct noun modification to use with singular mass nouns.

The emergence of grammar in relation to lexical growth was analyzed in a sample of Finnish children (N=181) at 2 ; 0. The Finnish version of the Communicative Development Inventory was used to gather information on both language domains. The onset of grammar occurred in close association with vocabulary growth. The acquisition of the nominal and verbal inflections of Finnish differed when analyzed in relation to the lexicon in which they are used: the strongest growth in the acquisition of case form types occurred when the nominal lexicon size was roughly between 50 and 250 words, whereas verb inflectional types were acquired actively from the beginning of the verb lexicon acquisition. The findings extend the previous findings of the close association between lexicon and grammar (e.g. Bates & Goodman, 1999). The results suggest that different grammatical structures display different degrees and types of lexical dependency.

The first word-formation devices children should learn, we proposed, are the most productive ones, that is, those that have the fewest structural constraints on their use and that appear most frequently in the formation of new words. Four- and five-year-old children who were asked to recall novel words with English agentive suffixes recalled the most productive suffix (-er) well and its less productive companions (-ist and -ian) very poorly. Other children who were asked to recall as agentive suffixes the non-agentive -ly (about equal in frequency to -er) together with -ist and -ian, did poorly on all three. They also substituted agentive suffixes (including -er) for the non-agentive -ly, with greater reliance on more productive forms. These data, together with previous observations, support the hypothesis that productivity affects the order in which children master word-formation devices.

Experiment I required first, third, and sixth graders to identify the actor or experiencer from active and passive sentences with actional and three subclasses of experiential verbs. Actional passives were understood better than experientials, with no difference among the subcategories of experiential verbs, and no effect of verb frequency or regularity. Response distributions for each verb type did not show two populations of subjects – one knowing and the other not knowing the passive – but approximately unimodal distributions whose mean increased with age. Experiment II studied preschoolers. Again, the actional passives were systematically easier than the experientials, and again, for neither verb type did the response distributions show two distinct subject populations, one competent and the other incompetent. The forms of the distributions cannot be wholly accounted for by fluctuating attention to cues to passivization, but indicate that many children have partial knowledge of the passive (increasing with age). A hypothesis about the nature of this partial knowledge accounts for the gradual acquisition and the difference between the verb types.

The study tested the impact of the phonological distance between Spoken Arabic (SpA) and Standard Arabic (StA) on quality of phonological representations among kindergarten, first-, second-, and sixth-grade Arabic-speaking children (N = 120). A pronunciation accuracy judgment task targeted three types of StA words that varied in extent of phonological distance from their form in SpA: (a) identical words, with an identical lexical–phonological form in StA and SpA; (b) cognate words, with partially overlapping phonological forms; items in this category varied in degree of phonological distance too; and (c) unique words with entirely different lexical–phonological forms. Multilevel Regression analysis showed that phonological distance had a significant impact on quality of phonological representations across all grades. Growth in quality of phonological representations was mainly noted between the three younger groups and the sixth-graders. Implications for the impact of phonological distance on phonological representations and on language and literacy development are discussed.