The determinants of modern contraceptive use in traditional populations are analysed in married women aged 30–44 living in the province of Marrakech (Morocco). Women who have never used contraception have smaller family sizes than those who do: the number of live children (or live births) is the variable with maximum predictive power on contraceptive use, while child mortality is the main inhibiting factor. The probability of contraceptive use increases with female age at marriage and decreases with the woman's age, indicating a generational change in reproductive behaviour. The socioeconomic variables education, employment and residence, have no significant independent predictive character on contraceptive use, although the interaction between education and residence does. The paper evaluates the hypothesis that traditional populations in the initial phase of their demographic transition resort to modern contraception in order to stop childbearing, when they have reached a desired number of children, rather than to space births or reduce their fertility.

The effects of selected socioeconomic factors on basic competencies of children in Bangladesh were studied using primary data on 2520 children from all over the country. The residence of the child, years of schooling, parental education and economic status of the household were found to be important determinants of basic competencies of children.

With an unequalled contraceptive prevalence rate in sub-Saharan Africa, of 43% among currently married women in Zimbabwe, the Central Statistical Office (1989) observed that fertility has declined sharply in recent years. Using data from several surveys on Zimbabwe, especially the birth histories of the Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey, this study examines fertility trends in Zimbabwe. The results show that the fertility decline in Zimbabwe is modest and that the decline is concentrated among high order births. Multivariate analysis did not show a statistically significant effect of contraception on fertility, partly because a high proportion of Zimbabwean women in the reproductive age group never use contraception due to prevailing pronatalist attitudes in the country.

Males have often been neglected in both family planning programmes and in surveys used to design and evaluate such programmes. A 1988 study on fertility, family planning and AIDS in Kinshasa, Zaire, provides comparable data on 3140 men and 3485 women of reproductive age which served as the basis for analysing male/female differences. The study indicated a fair degree of similarity in the attitudes, beliefs, knowledge levels and practices of men and women regarding fertility and family planning. Where they differed (e.g. on expected or ideal number of children, the desire for more children at parity 7 or above), men tended to be more pronatalist than women. The implications of the findings for future family planning programmes are discussed. Programmes should target males because of their role as decision makers within Zairian society.

This paper investigates the normative and behavioural dimensions of son preference in Morocco and Tunisia, using data from the Demographic and Health Surveys of the two countries. It considers three measures of son preference: (1) mothers' ideal number of children, and any preference for having more sons than daughters; (2) the desire for additional children, given their existing family; (3) reported use of contraception in relation to the existing number of children of each sex. The analyses indicate a moderate preference for sons in both countries, and suggest that this preference is somewhat stronger in Tunisia. These findings are interpreted within the cultural context of the two countries, and in particular societal notions of women's status.

This paper presents an ecological analysis of the relationship between infant mortality and economic status by race in metropolitan Ohio, using census data on mother's residence, and economic status determined by the percentage of low income families living in each area. White–non-white comparisons for total infant mortality are examined for the US censuses of 1960, 1970, 1980 and 1990; and more detailed period- and broad cause-specific rates are presented for 1990. A pronounced inverse association is found between income status and infant mortality for whites, but not for non-whites. Non-white post-neonatal death rates were higher for the lowest income area, but for neonatal mortality, total infant deaths, and exogenous and endogenous cause-specific death rates, there was no discernible socioeconomic differential. It is concluded that low income whites and non-whites at all income levels have infant mortality rates that are substantially higher than the overall rate for the population. Policy implications are discussed.

The tertiary sex ratio, as measured by the masculinity index, was examined in four regions of the Province of Jujuy in north-west Argentina over a period from 1869 to 1991. The results showed that inter-regional, as well as age group differences in MI existed which could be related to changing social and economic conditions in this area over the last two centuries.

A demographic survey among a probability sample of 980 married migrant women was carried out in Sydney in 1988. The sample included 507 Lebanese, 250 Turkish and 223 Vietnamese women. The study revealed differences in family formation patterns within and between the three groups and between them and the general population. Family size had declined among all three groups compared with their family of origin, and it was clear that the younger women would not achieve the same family sizes as the older women. Migrant women tended to marry earlier than the general population and to start their families earlier. While they showed a strong preference for their children to marry within their own ethnic and religious group, nearly one-third said it was up to the choice of the individual. Overall, the future family size of younger migrant women is expected to converge towards the Australian norm. Migrant families are in a state of transition between two cultures which needs to be recognised by health and family planning service providers.

This study is based on a cross-sectional sample of 459 Sikh adults, male and female, from three castes representing three levels of socioeconomic affluence. The sedentes group stayed all their lives in the native state of Punjab, India; the migrant group completed their active physical growth in the Punjab and left for the UK at around 20 years of age. The pattern of stature, weight, BMI and skinfolds in both groups reflects their level of socioeconomic affluence in their native Punjab. In the migrants, the caste differences in the mass measures largely disappear, but the differences in the skeletal dimensions remain. Both male and female migrants are heavier than their sedente counterparts and the male migrants have substantially higher amounts of subcutaneous fat. The change in weight, BMI and skinfolds in the migrants is inversely proportional to the original values of these variables in the native settings. Male sedentes and migrants are not statistically significantly different in stature, but the female migrants are taller than their sedente peers in all three castes. In a multivariate analysis, caste remains the most significant factor in the skeletal variables; in the mass characters, both caste and migration are statistically significant factors; age explains very little of the variation.

Studies of parent–child correlations in stature require data which can be viewed as random samples of some general population and which are large enough to allow partition of the variable and evaluation of non-genetic and genetic influences. In a sample of 4336 individuals drawn from a cohort of all persons born in England, Scotland and Wales in 1 week in 1958, the correlation of statures of the males with their fathers, the females with their fathers, the males with their mothers and the females with their mothers were 0·36, 0·43 and 0·41 and 0·47 respectively at age 16 of the offspring and 0·41, 0·41, 0·47 and 0·46 respectively at age 23. Allowance for the occupational social class of the fathers lowers the correlations, but in no case by more than 5%. Allowance for the occupational class achieved by the offspring by age 23 has little effect on the correlations.