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ALL THE KABAKA'S WIVES: MARITAL CLAIMS IN BUGANDA'S 1953–5 KABAKA CRISIS*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 February 2017

CAROL SUMMERS*
Affiliation:
University of Richmond, Virginia

Abstract

When Britain withdrew recognition from Kabaka Mutesa II in 1953, considering him disloyal for failure to advocate for the new governor's progressive initiatives, Buganda's response was distinctive and successful: mourning. Ganda wept publicly, and portrayed themselves as wives forcibly divorced from their king/husband. With the removal of Mutesa, they argued, Britain even violated its own alliance, or marriage, with Buganda. Metaphors of marriage and declarations of loyal wives proved successful in destabilizing imperial efforts to reshape power in Buganda to fit into a unified Uganda. Drawing on specific associations of love and politics associated with Ganda marriage, Ganda fought, successfully, to achieve Mutesa II's return and to ensure Buganda's distinctive political identity. In the process, though, they declared and institutionalized an identity as subjects of the Kabaka, abandoning ideas of citizenship through Bataka (clans) voiced by earlier activists and enacting troublesome precedents for proponents of Ugandan nationalism.

Type
Disputing Political Power in Buganda
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

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References

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38 Ibid . 273 and also Doyle, Before HIV, 155–7, who emphasizes women's perceived economic self-sufficiency.

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53 Interview with E. K. K. Sempebwa, Kampala, 10 June 2004, described reactions to the proposed marriage, explaining that Damali's father was Mugema, functioning as grandfather to the king. Thus, ‘when Mutesa took to the family of Kisosonkole, people said “But that can't be. He can't marry from his parents”.’

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56 Church Missionary Society Archives, University of Birmingham (CMS) G3 A7 e2, Nancy H. Corby to Hooper, 2 Sept. 49, which discusses Damali's faith.

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58 Interestingly, the Church of Uganda's missionaries and the Archbishop of Canterbury were willing to go along with this rejection of moral tests. See ALPLA v. 150, M. Warren to Archbishop, 21 Jan. 1954.

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60 AFPLA v. 150, Nnabagareka to Dr Warren, 22 Dec. 1953 (copy).

61 AFPLA v. 150, M. Warren, describing the Bishop of Uganda's analysis, to Archbishop of Canterbury, 1 Jan. 1954.

62 AFPLA v. 150, Bishop Stuart to Archbishop, 1 Jan. 1954. Mary Stuart, an education expert, was a supporter of the Kabaka, taking a seat in his plane for his return to Uganda. Mutesa, Desecration of my Kingdom, 142–3.

63 AFPLA v. 150, Nnabagareka to Dr Warren, 22 Dec. 1953 (copy).

64 The delegation's aims were evocative: ‘It is our sincere desire that our beloved Kabaka shall be restored to his people … the most ardent wish of the Kabaka's subjects.’ NAGB CO822/762, M. Mugwanya, A. K. Sempa, E. M. K Mulira, T. Makubi, and A. Kironde, ‘Comments by the Buganda Delegation on the White Paper’, typescript, 21 Dec. 1953.

65 NAGB CO 822/751, Note of meeting between the Secretary of State for the Colonies and the Baganda delegation, 22 Dec. 1953.

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67 Peter Mulira, for example, emphasized other factors (such as the Kabaka's British connections, good legal advice and the support of liberal imperialists such as Marjorie Perham) over his mother Rebecca Mulira's leadership in agitating for the Kabaka's return. Interview with Peter Mulira, Kampala, Uganda, 7 July 2006.

68 KHICS MS 29/1/1–7, Cohen to Hancock, 14 June 1954. The scale of what they were seeking to reclaim from the Nnabagareka – cars, servants, and luxuries – undermines any portrayal of the Kabaka's domestic life as simple. But the image in Britain and in Buganda was that of evicting a bereaved but loyal wife. Official statements were as defensive as the quoted private defense. See, for example, ‘Our correspondent’, ‘The Kabaka's retainers’, The Times (London), 9 June 1954.

69 Mutesa, Desecration of my Kingdom, 138.

70 See, for example, NAGB CO 536/211, letters written by wives of the 1945 deportees.

71 Kavuma, Crisis in Buganda, 56.

72 AFPLA v. 150, M. Parma-Ntanda, for the Women's League of Buganda, ‘Deposition of H. H. the Kabaka of Buganda’ (undated 1954 statement).

75 See, for example, NAGB CO 822/762, Report by Special Branch, 13 Feb. 1954.

76 NAGB CO 822/751, A. Cohen, The Buganda situation, top secret cabinet paper, 29 Sept. 1954.

77 According to one sympathetic observer, Cohen seemed ‘very overdone by all this business and almost in danger of some kind of breakdown … The whole thing has come to him as a terrific shock obviously, and he does not see his way through.’ AFPLA v. 150, Archbishop to Warren, 24 Feb. 1954.

78 KHICS Ms 29/1/1–7, Cohen to Hancock, 1 Apr. 1954.

79 KHICS Ms 29/1/1–7. Hancock to Cohen, 10 Apr. 1954.

80 AFPLA v. 150, M. Warren to Archbishop, 11 May 1954 (notes on discussion with Hancock).

81 KHICS Ms 29/1/1–7, E. B. David (Colonial Office) to Hancock, 16 June 1954.

82 KHICS Ms 29/1/10, P. Kisosonkole et al. to Hancock, 21 June 1954.

84 KHICS Ms 29/1/10, D. Kisosonkole, Nnabagereka, quoted in Hancock's Uganda Diary 10.114.

85 KHICS, Hancock's Uganda Diary 10.114, Hancock to Kisosonkole, 22 June 1954.

86 KHICS Ms 29/1/10, Children of Daudi Chwa to Hancock, 9 July 1954 and notes on meeting 26 July 1954.

87 KHICS Ms 29/1/10, ‘Kasubi Mourners’ to Hancock, 2 Sept. 1954.

88 KHICS, Hancock to D. A. Low, 24 July 1954 and notes from Uganda journal 10.51 and 10.51b. See also his meeting with the women of Natete Village, Memo summary, 10 June 1954.

89 KHICS, Hancock, undated notes 11.6. Government officials failed in efforts to tell different histories of the Bataka and the relations between subjects, chiefs, and king.

90 AFPLA v. 150, M. Warren to Archbishop, 26 Feb. 1954.

91 NAGB CO 822/762, Report by Special Branch, 13 Feb. 1954. The reporter Colin Legum, summarized this in his book Must we lose Africa?, finding activists’ metaphor of marriage so compelling that his history chapters have suggestive titles such as ‘Give me the White Men’ and ‘Honeymoon with the West’. Legum, Must we lose Africa?.

92 KHICS Ms 29/1/6, C. Wrigley, ‘The internal structure of Buganda’, 1954.

93 Ibid .; KHICS MS 29/1/7, ‘The political situation in Buganda’, 1954.

94 Summers, ‘Grandfathers’; Summers, C., ‘Catholic action and Ugandan radicalism: political activism in Buganda, 1930–1950’, Journal of Religion in Africa, 39:1 (2009), 6090 Google Scholar. Recent studies of the kingdom have also challenged the historical accuracy of Wrigley's analysis. See, for example, Kodesh, N., Beyond the Royal Gaze: Clanship and Public Healing in Buganda (Charlottesville, VA, 2010)Google Scholar, which, like earlier Bataka activists, emphasized clans rather than the king alone as the basis of the kingdom.

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100 Their father, C. M. S. Kisosonkole, went from a post in the East African Literature Bureau and work in community development to one of the most lucrative offices in the country. NAGB CO 822/815, Uganda Monthly Intelligence Appreciation for period ended 31 Dec. 1955.

101 NAGB CO 822/1212, Chief Secretary to Max, 25 Nov. 1959 and Governor Crawford, notes for top secret file on Kabaka Mutesa II, 6 Jan. 1958.

102 Ibid .

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