Sociological and historical enquiry in Europe has had as a continuing pre-occupation the problem of the Uniqueness of the West, the search for factors that can be held responsible for its achievements in the modern world and in particular the emergence of industrial capitalism. That search has led to a devaluation of the East and consequently a mistaken self-understanding of the West. This article attempts to outline the problem with regard to rationality, commercial literacy (book-keeping), mercantile enterprise and family participation in such activity.

Seventy-five to eighty per cent of the ruling elites of the three main European nations (France, Great Britain and Germany) are drawn from the middle classes, and their social recruitment has hardly changed over the last 2j years. According to the author, Bourdieu's theory of class habitus and the role of cultural capital is thus strongly confirmed, refuting the common argument that the world of elites is opening up.

In spite of recent criticisms the concept of ethnicity should be retained in anthropological analysis to designate more or less coherent cultural entities. These entities will be fluctuating, of course, due to their position in a larger social space where women, goods, ideas, and institutions are exchanged. Ethnicity is not, as some have argued, a colonial invention, but an incontestable anthropological fact, where identity is nurtured by otherness. Ethnicity does not of itself have a political vocation: traditional African states were more often than notpluri-ethnic. The ‘national’ phenomenon, the convergence of the State and ethnicity, is rare in pre-colonial African history. The nation-state is a modern phenomenon, the product of a more or less arbitrary manipulation by an elite having a certain number of ethnic traits; a political re-modelling of collective identity.

This article examines the well known practice in pre-colonial Africa of the pawning of humans. This practice, also found in Asia, should be distinguished from slavery, despite its similar characteristics. The author enumerates relevant principles and establishes concrete boundaries. A number of misunderstandings are thus elucidated and the concept is clearly explained.

Class inequality provides fertile ground for the development of class divisions in political interests. Post-communist societies display evidence of such inequality and — despite expectations to the contrary — of its correlates: high levels of class identification, perceived relative deprivation between classes, and links between class position and economic expectations. These aspects of class formation are in turn accompanied by the endorsement of divergent political programmes by social classes. Marketisation is thus providing the conditions under which classrelated, ‘left-right’ divisions reminiscent of those in Western democracies, structure politics in Eastern Europe.

Up until what point should liberal democracies allow free entry and free settlement for foreigners? Aside from the case of refugees and family reunion, there are two possible arguments for free access: the extension of individual liberty, and as a means of ensuring global redistribution. These arguments are insufficient and, in a counter-utopian reasoning, the author invokes the need for stability and the defence of national interests, which justify the use of 'differentiated' filters for immigrants.

Common fears about immigration have little basis, such as the fear of being displaced by alien labour or invaded by fundamentalist mobs. Others have some basis, such as those concerning illegal behaviour or the magnitude of inflows, at least in some countries. However the profile of our European democracies may, unless certain policies are pursued, be doomed to change for the worse, not because of these commonly feared dangers but in consequence of the increasing number of workers who do not enjoy basic political, civil and social rights.

Diet regulations and food prohibitions in the Koran are to be considered as parts of a system. Apart from alcohol and drugs, all of them deal with meat consumption. It is argued that meat has a symbolic connection with exchange and sociability as well as with otherness.

Born in 1902, Karl R. Popper spent the first 33 years of his life in the city of Vienna, at that time the hot-house of Central- European culture and thought. He died in England. September 17, 1994. Unlike the empirical inductionists of the Vienna Circle, he preferred deductivist theorizing and the metaphysical realism (or objectivism) of the Boltzmann-Einstein School. Though he pleaded explicidy for a special method of ‘Verstehen’ in sociology, the reception of his methodology still takes place mainly with reference to the growth of knowledge in the natural sciences as reconstructed in The Logic of Scientific Discovery' (1959), neglecting his idea of ‘situational analysis’. Unlike the empirical inductionists of the Vienna Circle, he preferred deductivist theorizing and the metaphysical realism (or objectivism) of the Boltzmann- Einstein School.

In a previous edition of the Archives, Vladimir Shlapentokh proposed an explanation of the surprising patience of the Russian people in the face of a drop in the standard of living of a majority of the population. Obervations made in the Altaï territory confirm Shlapentokh's explication. Using individual adaptation categories as formulated by Merton, it is shown how the different adaptation strategies cancelled each other out and impeded the emergence of an opposition movement.

Current interpretations of James Frazer's work overestimate the importance of the three stages theory (Magic-Religion-Science) and of individual reflection in the philosopbes sauvages. The Golden Bough is more about the idea of a universal and spontaneous psychological atmosphere, beyond the distinction between Religion and Magic. Frazer prefers to characterise this atmosphere through the explicit content of rites and beliefs, often neglected by twentieth century religious anthropology.

Hardin argues that ethnic conflicts can be analysed without reference to individual emotions, by using 3 parameters: the initiative of certain elites, the use of exclusive norms, and a good dose of epistemological perversity, admired if not shared. Beyond a certain critical mass, the mixture becomes explosive. Yeats' biography illustrates these arguments: Yeats' own emotions hardly weigh up against forces which cause him to be moved and create his emotion.

The central sociological issue in Weber's studies on charisma is to account for the emergence, the reproduction, and the eventual disappearance of reference systems. Such a preoccupation is in general keeping with a comprehensive sociology. Beyond that, these studies also aim to clarify the internal mutations of this type of legirimity, its possible conditions, notably in a religious form, relative to specifically modern notions of modernisation, secularisation and disenchantment.