In an earlier article it was suggested that the allotment of certain phonic data of Sanskrit to prosodic categories would make it possible to eliminate the antiquated and improper process-metaphor of ‘ assimilation ’ by stating such data as exponents of properties of appropriate structures. It was not then intended to go beyond a purely descriptive statement; but it has since appeared that a fuller exploitation of prosodic techniques may result in descriptions which enjoy a more or less extensive relevance to comparative statement. Certain points have therefore been re-examined in the light of such a possibility; and the expectation seems to be justified by the results of the final statement below (item 5); the other statements (items 1–4) are presented as illustrating various phonological principles involved in the re-examination.

1. It is not to be assumed that phonemic statements can be translated into prosodic statements: for the selection and allotment of data are governed by different theories in the two cases.5

Among manuscripts and documents collected for the Vrindaban Research Institute (VBI) from the Rādhādāmodara Temple in Vrindaban (Uttar Pradesh) are two (referred to below as documents A and B) which contain the text of testamentary depositions in the name of Jiva Gosvāmī. He is known to have founded the Rādhādāmodara Temple and to have been alive at the dates given in the text. It was Jīva who, consolidating the work of his uncles Sanātana and Rūpa, definitively established Vrindaban as the headquarters of the Caitanyapanthī Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava sect. The testament, which envisages both posthumous implementation and possible revocation, contains Jlva's provisions for succession to the custody of the temple, idols, and library. The principal parties involved are known from other documents in the collection, and most names recur in Bhaktamāl and other related literary sources. Its over-riding importance lies, however, in the fact that no written Will has hitherto come to light in India, except those that are clearly influenced by European practice.

The purpose of this article is to re-examine some of the ways in which tone has been stated in certain of the spoken Tibetan dialects, and to apply to the Nominal Phrase in one of them, Lhasa Tibetan (LT), the suggestion that such statements can be more profitably associated not with the syllable, as hitherto, but with the word.

This outline of the basic principles of Turkish syntax was originally intended as an introduction to my study on the syntactical relations of the -e/-ü gerund in Old Ottoman. I found that I could not give a satisfactory account of the very interesting syntactical features presented by that gerund without laying before the reader the premises upon which my conclusions were based. Once embarked upon this task, it soon appeared that no brief introduction would serve the purpose. There was no accepted body of syntactical doctrine to which the reader could be referred for more detailed information. Indeed, it was necessary to discuss fundamental principles which, so far as I am aware, no one has attempted to elucidate. It seemed best therefore to postpone publication of the study on the gerund, and instead to devote a paper to the fundamental syntactical principles of the language.

IN an article published several years ago we have collected evidence corroborating al-Maqrīzī's statement (mistrusted by Quatremère in Histoire des Mongols) that siyāsa, the legal code of the Mamlūks, was founded upon the Great Yāsa of Chingiz-Khān. The Great Yāsa was not merely a code of criminal and civil law but a system of rules governing the entire political, social, military, and economic life of the community which adopted it. The expansion of this system outside the Mongol nation was due to the belief that it was responsible for the extraordinary military success of the Mongols in the thirteenth century, and that it might be regarded as a talisman ensuring victories on the battle-field. The Yāsa rules concerning communal organization were even more important from this point of view than the laws treating of the behaviour of individuals. It is natural, therefore, to suppose that not only the Mamlūk criminal, civil, and commercial law but also the general organization of the Mamlūk state was based upon the Yāsa. The present article, inspired by the attempts made in modern times to collect and systematize the fragmentary evidence concerning the contents of the Yāsa, is intended to show that this organization is indeed comprehensible only in the light of such evidence. Some preliminary remarks are necessary.

At the beginning of the Nirukta Yāska mentions the four parts of speech (noun, verb, upasarga, and nipāta), and gives definitions of the first two: verbs are chiefly concerned with being-and-becoming (bhävapradhānam ākhyātam), while nouns are chiefly concerned with existants (sattvapradhānāni nāmāni). After a brief discussion, with examples, he proceeds to give an argument against the possibility of classifying the parts of speech. This somewhat cryptic passage, which has been the subject of a considerable amount of discussion, is as follows:—

indriyanitya vacanam audumbarāyaŋa. tatra catuşvam nopapadyate, 'yugapad-utpannānā vā śabdānām itaretaropadeśa śāstrakrto yogaś ca. vyāptimattvāt tu śabdasyānīyastvāc ca śabdena sajnā-karaŋa vyavāhārārtha loke. teşä manuşyavad devatā-bhidhānam. puruşavidyānityatvāt karmasampattir mantro vede.

For centuries the law has held a paramount place in the civilization and structure of the Muslim world, at least in the Islamic ideal. The prestige it has enjoyed may, indeed, be regarded as without parallel in history, for this civilization was uniquely based on religion, and the religion of Islam has always accorded a pre-eminent place to law.

Nor is the reason for this pre-eminence far to seek. In the religion of Islam everything rests on divine revelation, without which man remains in a state of almost unrelieved ignorance. But, in the orthodox view, God has not revealed Himself and His nature, but rather His law.

Sībawaihi has occasionally been criticized for his obscurity and inconsistency. The former may be conceded, since it pertains only to his style and presentation, which undoubtedly make heavy demands on the reader, but the second criticism is an attack on Sībawaihi's linguistic reasoning and needs to be refuted. In the following pages we shall examine the background and use of the phrase ‘ishrūna dirhaman ‘20 dirhams’ as a locus probans in more than a score of grammatical arguments in the Kitᾱb, to which must be added a dozen or so other cases involving the use of similar expressions and grammatical principles. Two results should emerge: first we should gain the impression that the Kitᾱb is a work of the utmost coherence and consistency (with due allowance for the date of its composition), and second we shall uncover certain features of Slbawaihi's grammatical theory which appear to have been ignored by later grammarians.

0.0. Our knowledge of traditional African literature has been greatly increased of recent years thanks, in part, to the Oxford Library of African Literature. Among the volumes of that series there have been some which have studied, either in breadth or depth, the genre of praise-poetry. The following notes on praise-poetry among the Shona aim at being a contribution to a study which Wilfred Whiteley, as joint editor of the Oxford Library, did much to promote.

Ry. 506 is an inscription of some importance for an otherwise obscure period of Arabian history. G. Ryckmans, in his editio princeps of the inscription,3 and J. Ryckmans in his comments thereon,4 have made very valuable contributions to the understanding of this far from easy text. A few notes may, I think, be nevertheless added.

At the outset, one point to be remembered in dealing with this text is that Abraha, its author, is frequently referred to in the plural, as we see from sṭrw in line 2 here (with Abraha as the subject), as well as throughout C. 541. Consequently, plural verbs and the plural pronoun -hmw can refer to Abraha himself.

Line 1. It is interesting to confront the form of titulature here used with that found in C. 541/4–8. The comparison allows us to make some deductions about the name or epithet zybmn (so spelt here, against zbymn in C. 541):—

Since the publication in 1871 of an extensive English translation of Ḍivā al-dīn Baranl's in Vol. in of Elliot and Dowson's History of India as told by its own historians, the modern study of the reigns of the sultans of Delhi from Balban to the sixth year of has been mainly, though not exclusively, founded upon this , whether in translation or in the Bibliotheca Indica text edited by Sayyid Aḥmad in 1862.

It is well known that a large number of the accounts in the Kuo yü have matching counterparts in the Tso chuan. By my count there are at least 73 Kuo yü accounts with Tso chuan parallels; this out of a total of 241 separate Kuo yü accounts altogether. This means that by percentage of accounts (vs. percentage of text) 30% of the Kuo yü bears some textual relation to the Tso chuan, a proportion surely large enough to justify looking into the question of what that relation is. The degree to which each of these 73 Kuo yü accounts matches its Tso chuan parallel varies considerably. At one extreme there are cases where only a very few lines, names, or words signal the fact of an underlying textual relation. At the other extreme virtually the whole Kuo yü passage may appear with only slight variations in the Tso chuan. Most of the 73 fall somewhere in between these two extremes.

Compared with the heyday under the Fāṭimids, the position of the non-Muslims, or dhimmīs, in the late Mamlūk period was bleak. Victims of the general demographic and economic decline, objects of considerable hostility on the part of Muslim theologians, and targets of frequent persecution, the Jews and Christians of Egypt found life more difficult and more oppressive in the fifteenth than in the eleventh or twelfth century. For the Jews, hard times were reflected both in tensions with the surrounding Muslim society and in the depressed condition of community life.

Some scheme of political organization can also be detected in the text of Vīs u Rāmīn.

The capital Marv is definitely considered the centre of a world monarchy, within the limits which we have tried to elucidate.1 Mōbad is the king of kings, shahriyār, to whom all the shahs owe obedience (banda būdand) (p. 28). His personal dominions he in North-Eastern Iran and are surrounded by a belt of vassal territories (abaristān, Gurgān, Dihistān, Khwārazm, etc.), but politically his authority extends to Media and beyond it to Transcaucasia (Arrān) and Armenia, reaching even the Mediterranean and North African territories.

The Nilotes refer to their cattle in a number of ways, and one of these is by colour or interrelation of colours which are associated in their minds with some animal or bird or reptile. Their cattle are thus called by colour-analogy crocodile cow, fish eagle cow, leopard cow, and so on. The Dinka go even farther and make a double analogy in referring to their cattle by terms which suggest some activity associated with, or some attribute of, the creature that displays similar colouring to the cattle.

The speech here investigated is that of Mr. Josua Bogidrau of Suva, Fiji. Mr. Bogidrau was born in Lakemba, Lau, where the language has marked local characteristics, but at the age of thirteen he was sent to the Queen Victoria School at Suva, capital of Fiji, and has modified his speech in accordance with Bauan, the dialect with the greatest prestige. I have been able to check a number of points with a native Bauan speaker, who tells me that B.′s pronunciation is acceptable Bauan.

The name of ‘Swan Maiden story’ is given to tales of three kinds, of which only one is of direct concern in this inquiry.

I. There are stories of bird-maidens who may appear as a single element, sometimes as birds, sometimes as maidens, according to the laws of their being.

II. There is a story woven from several motifs in which a man forces a bird-maiden to become his wife by stealing her feather-robe while she is bathing, thus preventing her from flying off. The pair have children, and one day the bird-woman recovers her feather-robe and flies away with them. As a sequel, the man may pursue her to the other place to which she has returned.

III. The winning of a bird-maiden by stealing her feather-robe may appear as but one element of a long and intricate story.

During some years study of the birds of Tanganyika, I have, as opportunity served, collected the names used by the local people. Most information has come from Wadigo (round Tanga), Wabondei (inland from Tanga), Wasambaa (inland again), Wazigua (south of Korogwe), Wakami (North Uluguru), and Wambwera (Mafia Island), tribes whose languages evidently have much in common.Discounting tribal variants (for example, mpanja for pasa) and leaving for future consideration a large number of names that await verification, there are about 450 different roots and descriptive names that I have felt to be sufficiently well-established to include in a list for publication (1). Allowing for the fact that differentiation of species cannot be so particular by the ordinary countryman as by the ornithologist, I have names for some species, as many as seven, for a large percentage of the birds found in a strip of country about fifty miles wide and extending from near the Kenya border south to the Rufiji Delta. A few names extend right through our area; at the other extreme, however, some species change their names within the boundaries of a tribe, three or four times, for example, in the space of eighty miles; and hence there is no doubt that a great many more names remain to be collected.

The maqāma genre has had a place in Arabic literature for nearly a thousand years. With the maqāmāt of Badī' al-Zamān al-Hamadhānī (357–98/969–1007), it appears as a fully developed, independent literary form, although precursors of it have been traced back beyond al-Hamadhānī to the argot and cant of thieves and beggars as displayed, for instance, in the Kitāb al-bukhalā’ of al-Jāḥiẓ and the qaṣīda al-sāsāniyya of Abū Dulaf Mis'ar b. Muhalhil, and possibly back to the model of a lost Kitdb al-arba'īn of the philologist and lexicographer Ibn Duraid. The history of the maqāma in its classical form closes only with the productions in the last century of such writers as the Baghdādī scholar Shihāb al-Dīn Maḥmūd al-Alūsī (1217–70/1802–54) and the Lebanese Christian Nāṣīf al-Yāzijī (1800–71). It is true that in the early decades of our own century, such Egyptian writers as Muḥammad Ibrāhīm al-Muwailḥī and the poet Muḥammad Ḥāfiẓ Ibrāhīm used a very free adaptation of the maqāma form for the entirely novel purpose of social criticism; but with the disappearance to-day of the florid and artificial style of Arabic writing, it is unlikely that anyone will ever resuscitate the classical maqāma and we may safely conclude that it has died out.