Two early first millennium BC assemblages from Selsey Bill are considered, one of Late Bronze Age date and one of Early Iron Age date. Detailed examination of two large features suggests both a common function for the features and a functional similarity between the sites to which they belong. Data from them are tested against a contemporary, regional database. In terms of site activity and settlement form, both belonged to the same cultural tradition. But differences in inter-regional relationships, outlook and resource strategies are identified. The change, paralleled on contemporary Sussex sites, is attributed to population growth and a filling-out of the landscape.

An early volume of the Society's Proceedings contains Stephen Stone's record of his archaeological observations in the parish of Stanlake, Oxfordshire, and the immediate neighbourhood. The record as published is of a mixed nature, and at times it is quite difficult to disentangle the various periods to which the subject of his explorations belonged, though through no actual fault of his own, but rather because, at the date at which he wrote, archaeological knowledge had not advanced to a point at which an exact interpretation of the material was possible. Thus his account of a British village is almost inextricably mixed up with that of what we can now recognize to be circular trenches of a Bronze Age culture, and their close proximity to one another has perhaps added to the confusion. At the present day we can clearly realize that we have to do with two distinct cultures, even though actually they may not have been separated by any great distance of time; and that in spite of the fact that the pottery found in the British village is passed over with the barest notice, and only a few pieces have been preserved to give us a clue to its character. But that the village belonged to the Iron Age is established both by the description of the pits from which it came and also by the recovery from one of these pits of an iron knife complete with bone handle (pl. iv, 1), such as can be closely paralleled by a specimen from the Marne region. Two vases are preserved in the Ashmolean Museum (pl. iv, 2): one formerly in Mr. James Parker's collection is labelled Stanlake, and one given by Stone's executors came probably from this same site; though not very distinctive, both serve to corroborate the evidence of the knife. Vases obtained by Rolleston from a site in the parish of Wytham, Berkshire, fall into the same category (pl. iv, 3).

It is generally prudent to regard foreign coats in any rolls of arms with circumspection: they not infrequently depart widely from the versions accepted at home. Yet it sometimes happens that records of arms are found earlier in foreign than in native documents. Thus the first occurrence so far known anywhere of the arms of a Count of Chalon is in our Fitzwilliam and Camden Rolls. So, too, the lion and battle-axe of the King of Norway in the same two rolls, and also in the Segar Roll, give earlier news of the colours, it is said, than have ever yet been found in that country. And there are other examples of the kind. This is not surprising, seeing that we have more copious resources surviving from earlier times than other countries. The coats now to be spoken of are the more unexpected that they show the converse case: points of heraldry appertaining to these isles have been recorded in several continental rolls, but do not appear in our rolls at all.

Tablet weaving has been popular in the north from the early centuries A.D. It is present, for example, in the well-developed tablet braids and edgings of the Torsberg find from Schleswig, and therefore might be expected to occur in Anglo-Saxon remains. It is most appropriate, then, that the first examples of tablet weaving to be recognized in this country come from East Anglia, and in two cases these are fastened to wrist-clasps regarded by E. T. Leeds as distinctive of districts which were occupied by the Angles.

The bronze crowns and the ornament of chains and discs which are the subject of this paper, were found a few years ago at Cavenham Heath, Suffolk, lying close together at a depth of about 1½ ft. from the surface. Later they came into the possession of Mr. Ashley, landlord of the Crown Hotel, Mundford, from whom I purchased them.

Alstoe Mount is a fine example of a motte and bailey castle, situated 1 mile north-east of Burley village and 3 miles north-east of Oakham; it is on the east side of the road from Burley to Cottesmore, and immediately north-west of Alstoe House (fig. 1). The mount is on the level summit of the long ridge running northwards into Lincolnshire, at a height of 490 ft. O.D., and is about 150 ft. above the vale of Catmose. Towards the south the high ground terminates in a spur running to Burley, and possibly the mount was placed to safeguard the passage of traffic from this direction, near the point where it branched, either south-east to Stamford or northwards to Lincoln.

When Presbyterian iconoclasts tumbled the Ruthwell Cross in 1642 they inflicted irreparable damage on one of the great monuments of Anglo-Saxon art and, unwittingly, provided scholars with boundless opportunities for discussion about how the Cross originally looked. Attempts to reconstruct and interpret the imagery and inscriptions have become a staple of scholarly endeavour. New evidence about its early appearance, therefore, is likely to be of some value. This note presents some eighteenth-century drawings of the Cross, until now unpublished, that survive in the library of the Royal Museum of Scotland in Edinburgh. They have the merit of illustrating all the fragments of the Cross that were known in 1788. And in a modest way they supplement our information about the Cross before it deteriorated further under inclement Scottish skies in the hundred years prior to its reinstallation in the church at Ruthwell in 1887.