Problematic deposits, containing different types of artifacts and skeletal remains, are typically recovered on or near the surfaces of the terminal phase of elite civic-ceremonial architecture at ancient Maya sites. These contexts often date to the Terminal Classic period (~a.d. 750–900). They have been variously interpreted as evidence for site abandonment, squatting, warfare, or dedication or termination rituals. Sixteen chert bifaces were recovered from problematic deposits at the bases of Structures A2 and A3 in the elite Plaza A at Cahal Pech, Belize. Stone tools from problematic deposits are rarely examined in significant detail. Based on stylistic, metric, and use-wear analyses, the bifaces were likely produced locally, used during important hunting or warfare activities, and then ritually deposited in the Terminal Classic. These bifaces were likely hafted to spearthrower darts and represented “success” at hunting or fighting. The recovery of weaponry in problematic deposits that is not the direct result of warfare is an important observation because Mayanists have generally interpreted their presence in these contexts as evidence of warfare. The fact that the points were recovered in groups of seven and nine may indicate that they had important symbolic meanings that connected them to supernatural or mythological places or entities.

The spatial contexts of effigy censer and figurine molds at Mayapan, Yucatan, Mexico suggest a tightly controlled industry in which elite representatives of state government and religious orders exerted oversight over production and distribution. Attached artisans at Mayapan made these and other restricted goods for residents of palaces and patrons of the city's public buildings. The study of effigy ceramic production reveals that, like earlier, Classic period Maya kingdoms, Postclassic elites also sponsored the crafting of symbolically charged goods. This finding expands understanding of Postclassic period economic organization, which is best-known for its expansive regional market exchange. The limited distribution of effigy censers and figurines further attests their primary use in the context of state-sponsored ceremonies and, to a lesser extent, high-status mortuary settings. Unlike other places and times in Mesoamerica, neither figurines nor effigy censers are representative of household-scale religious practice for the majority of urban residents at Mayapan.

Many questions remain about the hieroglyphic stair dedicated in a.d. 642 by K'an II, the great king of Caracol. Constituent panels have been found at Caracol, Ucanal, Naranjo, and Xunantunich—archaeological sites spread between Guatemala and Belize. The most recently discovered Panels 3 and 4 at Xunantunich shed light on the tumultuous decades of the seventh century. Panel 4, which opened the hieroglyphic stair, makes a surprising statement from the outset, clarifying that Kanu'l political authority was irrevocably established at Calakmul. This bold statement serves as a synoptic précis for the entire narrative and explains why the deeds of K'an II are related, but only to the extent that these could be interwoven with the history of the Kanu'l. This makes the hieroglyphic stair such an important source, because it tracks the rulers of the Kanu'l dynasty from the vantage of a close ally. These monuments attest to the fissioning of the Kanu'l dynasty and its eventual restoration at Calakmul, from whence Classic Maya politics would be overseen for the remainder of the seventh century. In this article, we build on earlier studies and add our most recent observations and new readings based on renewed inspections of the existing panels.

En el siglo dieciséis, la conquista española se extendió rápidamente hacia lo que hoy se conoce como el occidente de México. A partir de 1522, el reino tarasco sucumbió frente a los españoles y con ello iniciaron su proyecto de colonización y expansión territorial. Desde las primeras décadas, los españoles moldearon las actividades cotidianas para asegurar el control sobre las poblaciones indígenas, incluyendo la evangelización y promoviendo la explotación económica de los nuevos territorios.

Uno de los primeros pasos fue reorganizar el patrón de asentamiento de las poblaciones tarascas. En vísperas de la Conquista, los tarascos habitaban en pequeñas aldeas situadas en las cumbres y laderas de las montañas. Los españoles modificaron el patrón de asentamiento a través de dos medidas principales: en primer lugar, el desplazamiento de los antiguos asentamientos (pueblos viejos) a los valles o llanuras cercanas, con el fin de evitar que los sitios se convirtieran en fortalezas; en segundo lugar, los españoles reagruparon a la población en centros más grandes, conocidos como congregaciones.

Más allá de la distribución espacial de los lugares, esta transformación afectó por completo la configuración del espacio y repercutió en la relación existente entre los pobladores y el paisaje y con ello en la geografía sagrada. A partir del ejemplo de la localización de dos pueblos en el norte del estado de Michoacán—el sitio prehispánico Mich. 68-El Caracol y el pueblo colonial Mich. 415-Las Iglesias, descubiertos gracias a la obtención de imágenes LiDAR del Proyecto Arqueológico Uacúsecha—discutiremos las características de la distribución espacial antes y después de la Conquista y sus implicaciones en la relación existente entre la sociedad, el paisaje y la cosmovisión de la población.

Archaeological studies worldwide have revealed a wide range of cultural contexts within which practices of violence and warfare have occurred. In Mesoamerica, ongoing studies have enriched our understanding of social contexts of violence and warfare in Maya societies. This expanding body of field data allows deeper exploration of the ways violence was intricately linked to different aspects of cultural life for many Maya communities. In this article, we contemplate the culturally embedded nature of violence and warfare with a specific focus on the Classic period and questions related to political strategy, ritual practices, and total warfare. We provide empirical frameworks for the study of war to address issues of ritual warfare and societal impact, and we emphasize a regional scale of analysis.

This article reviews data from the modern highland Maya area in order to develop a model of vessel discard frequencies applicable to Classic Maya contexts. Estimating the number of pots consumed by ancient households is crucial to reconstructing the organization of ceramic production and exchange in antiquity. The recent publication of in situ household assemblages from the Classic Maya center of Aguateca facilitates an analysis of household pottery use during the Late Classic period. Vessel class use-lives derived from ethnoarchaeological studies are applied to the Aguateca assemblages to estimate annual consumption rates. The simulated Aguateca discard assemblages are then compared to archaeologically recovered vessel class discard frequencies from the Classic Maya center of Tikal. The article concludes with a discussion of how and why pottery requirements for Classic Maya households differed from those of twentieth century Maya and the implications these distinctions have for interpreting consumption pattern for the Classic Maya.

This study examines the intersection of political, cultural, and linguistic differences in the archaeological study of boundaries. The Late Postclassic and Early Colonial periods (a.d. 1350–1525) in the Maya lowlands are known for political instability and the formulation of new identities, especially in the northern region of the Peten Lakes District (Guatemala) to the greater Rio Hondo drainage (Belize). This article approaches the theoretical formulations of archaeological borders from the perspective of lithic technology, focusing on small projectile points recovered from numerous sites in the subregion. Analysis of data suggests differences in resource acquisition, material preference, and production during a time of historically fluid interaction and occasional conflict in the Peten-Belize area. Such information adds to our understandings of political frontiers of Late Postclassic polities from a social and economic perspective that is often ignored.

Maya codices were important repositories of cultural knowledge and traditions passed down through the centuries. Rather than being focused on human actors, however, the Late Postclassic period Maya screenfolds contain almanacs that predict the movements of celestial bodies during earlier time periods. The purpose of these seemingly “out-of-date” tools was to predict the future based on notions of cyclical time. Recent research suggests that centuries-old astronomical almanacs do more than model the past or formulate rituals. Instead, they are formulated to integrate celestial events with other cycles of time and to contextualize them with events from the mythic past, such as the destruction of a former world by flood. The memory of this calamitous primordial event, framed in terms of astronomical and seasonal cycles, is preserved in pre-Hispanic and historic documents as a means of conveying the ill-fortune associated with like-in-kind events that are certain to repeat, and of scheduling the performance of appropriate ritual actions to mitigate their destructive potential.

In this article, I present the results of an analysis of codex-style polychrome ceramics recovered from excavations of commoner households at the Late Postclassic center of Tututepec (Yucu Dzaa), Oaxaca, Mexico. In employing a basic semiotic approach, I examine the images depicted on these materials to draw inferences regarding salient themes they expressed, and how these themes related to broader social discourse and political ideology. In short, I argue that the data suggest an articulation between the popular ideologies of commoners and ideals that were promoted by the site's ruling elites, a concordance that likely arose through dialogic social processes, rather than coercion or false consciousness. This state of affairs may have contributed to the success of the polity, which was the center of a powerful territorial empire at the time of Spanish contact.

In recent years the development of metallurgy in West Mexico has received increasing attention in the field of archaeological and technology studies. Considering that the latter already include excellent descriptions and analysis of the ritual and sumptuary functions of metal artifacts, the present article focuses on the sacred symbolism of the metal resources and the metalworking process itself according to several indigenous cosmogonical narratives and other additional pictorial and alphabetical sources from sixteenth-century Michoacan and adjacent cultural areas. The available documentation clearly shows that a crucial role was attributed to the native god Tlatlauhqui Tezcatlipoca.

Despite an ancient history as rich as any in Mesoamerica, the archaeology of southern Veracruz, Mexico, remains underrepresented in both Spanish and English publications. This paper provides background information on southern Veracruz archaeology. Topical coverage includes the region's natural environment, its pre-Hispanic cultural traditions, and an overview of previous research in the area. In addition, this paper introduces and summarizes the four contributions to this special section. This collection of papers affirms that southern Veracruz archaeology is poised to make a significant contribution to our knowledge of ancient Mesoamerica.

Prehistoric potbelly (boulder) sculpture has been of great interest for many decades. Most such sculptures occur in the highlands and piedmont of the Pacific Coast in Guatemala and El Salvador. The specific function and dating of the monuments has been of particular concern to researchers. This paper presents a summary of data in an attempt to place potbelly sculptures into recognizable stylistic groups that may in turn allow scholars to hypothesize their general function or functions. The excavation of a ceramic potbelly figure in northern Belize may provide hard evidence for the dating of certain potbelly styles and demonstrate the use of this style/manifestation in a mode beyond stone sculpture.

This study describes, illustrates, and applies an “eclipse family” representation for the cyclic timing of eclipses in Mesoamerica. This theoretical construct is based on daykeepers’ approach to divination, anchored in the divinatory calendar (DC); empirically, it emerges from data on the timing of eclipses in Lowland Mayan1 territory between 100 b.c.e. and 1500 c.e. drawn from Espenak and Meuss's (2007, 2009) eclipse canons.

An eclipse family consists of a sequence of stations on which an eclipse might be visible in Mesoamerica – one every 88 new or full moons for 170 to 200 years, restricted to one of three DC zones. Cyclic and linear time relationships among dates of eclipses follow from this representation: intervals between successive stations in concurrent families in the same zone, and between successive stations across zones; between successive families in a zone; and among the first or last stations of families, within and across zones.

One and only one eclipse-family representation fits the lunar stations of the Dresden Codex; its properties show that it is a solar eclipse table. In real time, the table pertains to a 405-month interval sometime between 1076 and 1148 c.e., most likely from April 19, 1083 c.e. to January 16, 1116 c.e.

The Sun Stone of Motecuhzoma Ilhuicamina is one of the major monuments revealed by excavations in and around the Aztec Templo Mayor since 1978. Featuring the sun disk on its top surface and the Mexica conquest of 11 enemy polities on its cylindrical sides, it is considered a gladiatorial stone, similar in both iconography and function to the later Stone of Tizoc. While Tizoc's stone locates its conquest scenes between earth and sky bands, this sun stone uniquely places its conquests between two bands of repeating motifs. The authors argue that these bands are extraordinary examples of pictographic texts that parallel and likely called forth ritual speech acts. The iconography and patterning of the motifs reveal the bands to be visual exhortations or prayers related to human sacrifice specifically associated with Tezcatlipoca. The complex pattern of the repeating motifs is rhythmic and reflects the discourse structure of Nahuatl high speech.

Archaeological investigations undertaken by the Proyecto Arqueológico Tlajinga Teotihuacán are focused on understanding urban expansion and household economies in this southern district of the city. Our geoarchaeological research addresses similar topics through examination of relevant microstratigraphic and botanical signatures as well as those relevant to reconstructing paleoenvironment. We investigated four different contexts at Tlajinga: the southern extension of the Street of the Dead, an obsidian working area outside Compound 17:S3E1, anthropogenic and natural layers below Compound 18:S3E1, and a soil profile at the San Lorenzo river. We employed micromorphological, pollen, and phytolith analyses as well as standard soil analytics to study the various deposits in these contexts. Our analysis demonstrates artificial lowering of the tepetate for continuing the axis of the Street of the Dead, microdebitage from obsidian working outside Compound 17:S3E1, and the preservation of in situ burning activities at Compound 18:S3E1. Further, we reconstruct alluvial infilling of the Street of the Dead with pedogenetic overprinting and present further evidence on the occurrence and variability of the Black San Pablo Paleosol and its agricultural significance.

The hieroglyphic texts of northern Belize are remarkable for their longevity, spanning from the Late Preclassic to the Late Postclassic (ca. 100 b.c –a.d. 1544). Together, these texts constitute an invaluable body of information that has thus far been generally overlooked and has not been integrated into larger syntheses of the region. This paper provides a diachronic review of the glyphic texts of northern Belize and contrasts them to the wider historical processes of the eastern Maya lowlands. A definition of the northern Belizean region precedes an outline of the corpora of monuments, as well as the textual sources on portable objects. This provides an historical review of northern Belize from the incipience of royalty to the eve of the Spanish Conquest.

Este artículo resume los trabajos realizados en El Opeño, Michoacán (ca 1500–1200 B.C.), un sitio arqueológico del Formativo conocido desde 1940. Se trata de un cementerio concebido con arquitectura funeraria, que puede ser antecedente de esa secuencia de tumbas con diferentes diseños, continuada en la tradición tardía de las “tumbas de tiro.” Igual se resumen los objetos encontrados en esas construcciones, haciendo énfasis en la lapidaria hecha en jadeita, procedente de Guatemala, más las semejanzas de figurillas locales, puntas de obsidiana, y esculturas en forma de “U” (los yuguitos), localizados en sitios del altiplano central de México como Tlatilco o Tlapacoya.

La cultura que habitó en el cañón de Bolaños, situado en el suroeste de Zacatecas y el noreste de Jalisco, fue el producto de un movimiento expansionista del desarrollo cultural asentado en la cuenca del lago Magdalena (ubicada en la zona colindante al cañón) cuyo interés era establecer una interrelación comercial con los habitantes del área de Chalchihuites (ubicada al noreste del cañón de Bolaños).

La ocupación de la región se inició alrededor del comienzo de la era cristiana; conservó el patrón de asentamiento, el arquitectónico y el complejo funerario de la cultura de la Cuenca de Magdalena y adoptó el estilo decorativo de la cerámica de la cultura de Chalchihuites. Participó en las redes comerciales de la región intercambiando diverses productos.

El desequilibrio sociopolitico y económico mesoamericano sucedido alrededor del primer milenio, repercutió drásticamente en las rutas comerciales e indirectamente en la cultura del río Bolaños, provocando paulatinamente el abandono de la región alrededor del siglo XII de la era cristiana.

Accelerator mass spectrometer (AMS) dating of animal bone from Preclassic and Postclassic contexts at the Maya site of Cuello, Belize, has demonstrated the utility of the method in a humid tropical lowland environment, and has documented a hitherto unsuspected period of Postclassic activity including architectural construction and apparent occupation.

Recent research conducted in northern Michoacan, west Mexico, has yielded significant new datasets that can be used to reconsider the occupation of this region in the Postclassic period (a.d. 900–1541), prior to and during the rise of the Tarascan state. LiDAR data, in particular, has facilitated reassessment of the archaeological record and its implications concerning the population and social dynamics of this region. In this article, I combine data collected through traditional field-based research with LiDAR-derived data to reassess the population aggregation that occurred during a.d. 1250–1450 in the Zacapu Basin, resulting in the formation of a large urban system. Compared to prior population estimates and interpretations regarding the urban structure of the Zacapu Malpaís sites, the integration of these datasets enables both an increased scale of analysis and finer resolution, thus providing a clearer picture of one of the earliest episodes of urbanization in west Mexico.