İmamoğlu Höyük was situated in the Euphrates basin, ca. 15 km. northeast of Malatya in south east Turkey (Fig. 1). On account of the construction of a dam at Karakaya on the Euphrates, salvage excavations were carried out at the site from 1980 to 1987 under the direction of Edibe Uzunoğlu of İstanbul Archaeology Museums. In the 1986 excavation season, some Early Bronze Age remains (dated between 2300–2000 B.C.) were recovered. These remains included carbonised plant material, consisting principally of barley and pea. The five samples of plant remains were collected from the floors of buildings in squares 7H and 7I.

This was the third season of excavation at Amorium in east Phrygia, and the team worked for four weeks, from 1 August 1990. The archaeological aim was to study social change and development from the Hellenistic period to the Medieval, in particular the Late Roman period and so-called Dark Ages. We completed a detailed survey in the Upper Town, worked in three trenches (two of them initiated last year [L and AB] in the Upper and Lower Town, and one which was new [the Church] in the Lower Town), and further study was made of pottery and small finds. This is a new archaeological subject in this period in central Anatolia, and the first stage is to sort out the pottery, small finds, two or three buildings, levels, and chronology. The next stage will be to study the faunal, botanical, and other samples.

In the Roman period the town lay at the eastern end of the province of Asia. It was probably fairly small, consisting of the Upper Town and part of the Lower (the area of the modern village). Nonetheless, Amorium was mentioned in classical texts and has produced Hellenistic and provincial-Roman coins, Phrygian marble sculpture and architecture, inscriptions, non-local pottery, and a Roman carnelian intaglio.

Excavations and ceramic finds of the Late Chalcolithic 3 (3,700–3,500 BC) from the site of Zeytinli Bahçe, on the Turkish Euphrates, are published and discussed, with particular attention to modes of manufacture in the phase which immediately precedes the introduction of the fast wheel and mass production (middle and late Uruk). In this period, alternative modes of manufacture (coil, mould, wheel) are probable indices of experimentations in response to ever increasing economic and social needs. Ceramic classes and types are also analysed with the aim of understanding inter-regional relations in the period preceding the arrival of Uruk influence. Together with Hacınebi, Zeytinli Bahçe provides important data on Late Chalcolithic developments in the Turkish Euphrates region south of the Taurus. These help distinguish single cultural horizons, but also identify large networks of communication right down to the Iraqi Tigris. Relations of the middle Euphrates area appear to be biased eastwards, towards the Khabur river, whilst direct contacts with the regions north of the Taurus seem absent. However, indirect chronological correlations are made possible by an overview of the general distribution of ceramic typologies in the whole upper Mesopotamia and Taurus regions during the Late Chalcolithic period.

A remote mountainous region of Lydia, rarely visited and hardly known to history, contains antiquities which form the subject of the present study. This was an area where classical culture was slow to penetrate, but when it did take root, it produced a remarkable number of inscriptions which are comprised in an exemplary modern corpus. The inscriptions illustrate conditions in Hellenistic and especially Roman times, with only an occasional glimpse into later ages. Their relative abundance has made the country better known to epigraphists than others, but remains of a different kind, worthy of a closer examination, also exist. Some of these are Hellenistic, but most are late, reaching far beyond the bounds of classical Antiquity, yet by their nature illustrating the change and decline which that culture underwent in this corner of Lydia.

The aim of this study is to introduce the glass vessels housed in Eskişehir Archaeological Museum. Thirty vessels are housed in the museum, out of which 19 are currently exhibited. Most of the vessels entered the collection by purchase. One vessel (no 5) was found during a rescue excavation of a Roman tomb in Bilecik in 1985, although unfortunately we do not have detailed information about the tomb. Another vessel found during a rescue excavation at the tumulus of Alpu Kocakizlar and a further one from the Pessinus excavations are not included in this article.

The vessels in the museum are very limited in their forms and decoration, and it is possible that these plain vessels were produced for daily use. The glasswares are classified by typology, and five major groups are recognised. The vessels are first considered by their usage, and then typological differences are considered within each group. Underneath the vessel-type headings the groups are discussed and then their catalogues are given. The examples in the museum are dated from the first to fifth centuries AD.

Some painted pottery recently purchased by the East Anatolian museums is of considerable interest from the point of view of second millennium cultures in the Van and Urmia Basins. Taking into account the suggestion that a cultural break occurred around Lake Van in the second millennium B.C., the importance of these painted vessels increases.

Excavations outside Eastern Anatolia, particularly in North-West Iran, have produced painted pottery in considerable quantities dating to the second millennium B.C. Haftavan Tepe and Geoy Tepe are two of the main sites which supply detailed information about this painted pottery, and suggestions have been made previously by M. R. Edwards about their distribution.

The painted pottery in the East Anatolian museums clearly demonstrates that such vessels are not restricted to the region of Lake Urmia. The occurrence of a painted pottery tradition around Lake Van may well indicate that this region was not culturally isolated in the second millennium B.C.

In the course of the survey of the surface remains of the North Lycian city of Balboura, our attention was drawn to three small buildings near the southwest corner of the agora (Fig. 1), because their association with a series of inscriptions casts an interesting light on the society of the city. Most of these inscriptions have long been known, although three are unpublished, but their significance cannot be fully appreciated without some knowledge of the buildings and statue bases with which they are associated. Our aim, therefore, is to consider the architectural and epigraphic evidence together.

The buildings concerned (Figs. 2–4) are, from west to east, an exedra set up by Onesimos the city slave (demosios), with statues of the Demos and Boule of Balboura; a temple of Nemesis, also built by Onesimos; and a second exedra, set up by the wealthy Meleager, son of Castor. All three buildings face southward onto a paved street, and turn their backs to the agora, which was set at a lower level to the north.

This brief account concentrates on the results of the third consecutive summer (9 June–18 July) of excavations at Büyüktepe Höyük, a collaborative expedition between the University of Melbourne and Erzurum Museum conducted by a staff of fifteen. Many thanks are due to the Ministry of Culture and the Directorate of Museums and Monuments for granting permission to carry out the research, and to their officers who once again showed their customary helpfulness. These gentlemen, particularly Mesut Güngör, Director of Culture at Erzurum, Abdullah Taşdelen, Director of Erzurum Museum, and Hilmi Özkorucuklu, representative of the Ministry of Culture, are primarily responsible for ensuring that our work progressed without any interruptions. We were delighted by a visit from the Vali of Bayburt and his staff, as well as authorities from Demirözü, including the Kaymakan, who made us welcome and gave us much assistance.

The theatre of Sagalassos lies to the north-east of the city, high up the mountain. It is undoubtedly one of the best preserved monuments on the site (Pl. XXV (a)), although some parts of it have collapsed as a result of successive earthquakes. The southwestern part of the cavea, which was built on artificial substructures, and the free-standing stage building are particularly badly damaged, but even there the blocks still lie scattered in the vicinity and very few pieces are missing. Despite this, opinion concerning the reconstruction of the scaenae frons, and even some details of the cavea, differs widely (see below).

During the 1991 season at Sagalassos we started a study of the building and its decoration. Even though this has not been completed, some results have already arisen, which I would like to discuss in this article. A close examination of the fallen blocks of the stage building, gave clear indications for the reconstruction of the scaenae frons. Their decoration supplies clues for the dating of the monument. New study of the theatre façade allows a one-stage reconstruction, as proposed originally by G. Niemann in Ch. Lanckoronski's work concerning the cities of Pisidia and not the two storeys, proposed by D. de Bernardi Ferrero, and a date in the last quarter of the second century A.D.

About 1 km. north of the village of Yaraşlı on a natural hill that forms an extension of Karaca Daǧ, is a large and impressively defended site locally called Çevre Kale (Fig. 1). Pottery from the surface is Imperial Hittite and Phrygian in date. There is later material, Hellenistic to Byzantine, beneath and adjacent to the village. Yaraşlı is a large well watered village in the Kulu district (ilce) of Konya province (il). The map reference is 59-Ie on the 1:200,000 sheet for Katrancı (Harita Genel Müdürlüǧü 1945).

The aims of the project were to produce a photographic record of the site from the air, using a helium filled blimp and remote controlled camera, from which plans could be drawn and relationships between the various elements of the site determined. Air photographs revealed outlines of buildings that could not be seen on the ground (Pls XLI–XLV(a)). An overall plan has been drawn (Fig. 3). In some cases it has been possible to draw stone for stone plans (Fig. 5 and Pl. XLIV(b), Fig. 6 and Pl. XLV(a)). The results are much superior to those that could have been achieved by traditional cadastral survey and were obtained in a short time. During the course of the day photographs can be taken in varying light so that changes in shadow highlight different features.

Small samples from two larger deposits of grain and seeds discovered in the 1967 season's work at Can Hasan were examined by the writer, and it was thought useful to submit a short note on them before the whole deposits were examined in detail. Both of them come from Layer 5.

The first sample (Can Hasan 1967 Batch 2203) contained 14 grains of Hordeum hexastichum (Hulled six-row barley) (Fig. 1), and 5 grains of Triticum sp. which were too fragmentary to be identified more specifically than as “wheat”.

The Urartian Kingdom, as is well known, played a major power role on the stage of history in eastern Anatolia in the second half of the ninth century BC and remained powerful until the second half of the seventh century BC. With their highly advanced architectural traditions and organised state structure, the Urartians take their place among the most exciting civilisations of the first half of the first millennium BC in the Near East.

Extensive detailed research and publication has been carried out on Urartian civilisation for over a hundred years, but the origin and dynamics of the development of this civilisation are still obscure. The Assyrian annals, which start from the 13th century BC, are at present the only source for understanding the early periods. These records were intended as propaganda and their accuracy is in many instances thus questionable.

The largest series of Neolithic human skeletal material derives from Çatalhöyük, in the Konya plain of peninsular Turkey. The excavations were carried out by James Mellaart in three seasons between 1961 and 1964 (Mellaart 1962; 1963; 1965). Larry Angel of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC, and Denise Ferembach of the Musée de L'Homme, Paris, worked on the material in the mid-1960s (Angel 1971; Ferembach 1972). Angel was primarily interested in recording pathological conditions, and Ferembach in recording skeletal metrics; consequently their two sample sets are not entirely the same. Where there is overlap, in general their sex determinations agree. Neither published any detailed study of the jaws or teeth, and yet these are now the most intact part of the material. It is this collection of jaws and teeth that has been the subject of our study, which is an attempt to provide a comprehensive analysis of the dentitions of a Neolithic sample.

Any examination of the geography of western Asia Minor in the second millennium B.C. must begin with the accounts of two campaigns—(a) that of Mursilis II against Arzawa, and (b) that of a Hittite king (probably also Mursilis, but perhaps Muwatallis), against the Lukka-lands and Millawanda. In each case the route followed by the Hittite army is given:

Two things are clear from these accounts. First, the campaigns start off in the same general direction, as they both pass through Sallapa. Secondly, after Sallapa they diverge. There are no names beyond Sallapa common to the two, and there is no suggestion that all the later names in each list must be closely grouped in neighbouring areas reached by a common long march from Hattusas. But it is worthwhile, I think, to try to establish more closely the relationship between the two routes, and to build up a pattern in the hope that it can be applied to existing geographical and archaeological considerations.

Lycian scholars have long recognized that a number of the sepulchral inscriptions of Lycia refer to certain disciplinary agents responsible for punishing persons guilty of illegal use of a tomb—e.g. by making unauthorized burials in the tomb. TL 57 provides a typical example:

There has been some fluctuation of opinion on the actual nature of the disciplinary agents involved. Many of them once thought to have been secular authorities can now quite confidently be regarded as deities or religious institutions, and this of course throws a rather different light on the nature and purpose of the penalty clauses in the inscriptions. In some cases, these clauses seem to have threatened the offender with divine retribution and nothing more, but in other cases, the offender apparently risked a more tangible form of penalty. One might then ask to whom precisely a tomb violator was answerable for his offence, and what precisely was the nature of the penalty imposed upon him.

The artefact known as the Ankara Silver Bowl bears two short Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, each in a different ‘handwriting’. They tell us about the origin of the bowl in the year that Tudhaliya labarna conquered Tara/i-wa/i-zi/a. Unparalleled phrasing and tantalising historical allusions make dating and interpretation problematic. The conquest mentioned is widely held to be that of Taruisa in the Troad by the 14th-century bce Hittite king Tudhaliya I/II, but epigraphy points to a Karkamiš origin for the inscriptions and probably to a post-Empire date. Treating the text as contemporary with the conquest requires either that the bowl be classed as an exceptional Empire document or that a later Tudhaliya is intended. This paper offers a new approach. It accepts a late date, offers an amended translation and proposes that the narrative be viewed as literature alluding to the past and not as contemporary chronicle. The bowl's possible status as a relic prompts questions about the transmission of history, motives for alluding to the past and the words chosen for the purpose. An interpretation of sign *273 is ventured within a speculative scenario that encompasses the bowl's various oddities.

The scholar who works in two fields at the same time has a distinct advantage over those who work in only one, namely that he can bring to bear on a problem considerations which are new to the field to which it belongs but have been found to be valid in the other. In this way new light can be shed on hitherto unsolved problems, light which may in fact lead to their being solved. This, in fact, is the aim of the present discourse. The problem in question is the unsolved metre of the Hittite epic. The solution here offered is based on the writer's researches into possible influences—notably in the form—of this epic on the Greek epic tradition which lies behind the Homeric poems. The results of these researches will not be available in their entirety for some time, but the author is publishing in advance this individual conclusion which he feels may be of interest to classical scholars and, in particular, to orientalists.

A major Hittite city-mound in the vicinity of the Kerkenes Dağ having been identified by Dr. Summers (see previous article), the question naturally arises whether their ancient Hittite names can be determined. Unfortunately this central area of the Hittite kingdom was completely distorted in The Geography of the Hittite Empire (1959) by the misplacing of Pala-Tumanna and Nerik and the places, such as Mt. Ḫaḫarwa, associated with them. Allusions to “the sea” locate these places firmly, with Zalpa, at the opposite end of the zone occupied by the Kaška folk, in the far north by the mouth of the Kızıl Irmak, and the maps in that book must be disregarded.

Kuşaklı Höyük stands in the basin of the Kanak Su which rises just above the site of Alişar. This stream is a tributary of the Delice Su which flows north-westward into the Kızıl Irmak and which Forlanini has suggested might be the Hittite “Red River”, said to have “mingled its waters with the Maraššantiya”, but the Kanak Su and its tributaries have not yet been certainly identified in the Hittite texts.

Gordion, ancient capital of Phrygia, was a large and thriving city of secondary importance during the period of the Achaemenid Persian Empire (ca 550–333 BC). Recent work makes possible a reconsideration of the site: evaluating its architecture, finds and use of landscape within and after the socio-economic and administrative context of the Achaemenid imperial system enables the following new overview. During the Achaemenid period, Gordion’s populace participated in the broad cultural exchanges enabled by the imperial system and may have emphasised animal husbandry. When Alexander’s conquest led to the collapse of the Achaemenid administrative infrastructure, the impact on Gordion’s economy and cultural circumstance was profound. Its population plummeted, the architectural and spatial organisation of the site changed dramatically and new directions and means of trade and cultural interaction developed. Gordion’s archaeological remains reflect and emphasise the tremendous historical and political changes attending the end of the Empire and the beginning of the Hellenistic period.

Situated on the outskirts of the modern town of Kadirli is the best preserved late Roman church in eastern Cilicia. Its characteristics of design and construction are of pivotal significance for addressing the development of early Christian architecture in the region, as it represents the archetype of a definable group of churches in the upper Cilician plain, which link the building traditions of Syria with those of Anatolia and the southern shores. As it stands today, this structure known as the Alacami displays over a millennium and a half of local history, the liturgy of three different faiths and even more transitional building phases. In 1949 a full measured survey of the building was conducted by Michael and Mary Gough who in the same year were working at nearby Anazarbus. The results were never published and remained lost until 1994 when work commenced on cataloguing the Gough archive. The following study presents the full details of the Gough's survey for the first time and provides a detailed discussion of the monument in context, charting its development from the Roman period to the present day.