One important element in the definition and understanding of the dynamics of interethnic or intergroup relations generally is the attitude which prevails among the particular ethnic groups who are in a contact situation. Attitude formation is a function of the experiences acquired and the opinions formed by the parties to the social contact. For the latter two by their nature are a necessary precondition of the former. Put another way, experience in a social situation and the judgement arrived at as being true and derivable from that experience either intellectually or otherwise (for this essentially is what constitutes opinion) must take place before attitude occurs. Attitude essentially is an acquired, or learned, and established tendency of an individual to react toward or against something or somebody. It does not, we must warn, refer to any one specific act or response of an individual, but is an abstraction from a large number of consistent, related acts or responses of the person to an object or people (Green 1954, p. 336).

An attitude may be characteristic of a person (and as such relate to the given person) or to other persons or to social groups or to society. It may even be social in the sense that is characteristic of a homogeneous group of persons. The place of attitude in intergroup dynamics cannot be overemphasised. For it determines whether or not group members accept one another and a condition of harmony, integration, intergroup wholesome or unwholesome competition or rivalry exist among them. It also determines whether a condition of stability or instability obtains in the overall society in which the contacting groups are active participants in the socioeconomic lives. A group characterised by favourable attitudes toward another group would most probably accept the members of that group. And if acceptance is achieved, an important milestone is reached in the harmonious relations between the groups and in a condition of stability characterised by a minimum of antagonism. And man, it is said, functions fully, effectively under a condition of stability when his potentials are maximised and are fully released or expressed and utilised because of the existing security.

In this paper an attempt will be made to provide answers to the following questions: (1) What was the pattern of political values held by members of the Zambian elite soon after independence? (2) How did these values develop out of the experiences of elite members during the struggle for independence? (3) How have the events of subsequent post-independence years influenced these elite values, and specifically, what is the relationship between earlier elite values and the ideology of “Zambian Humanism” which has only recently been articulated in a systematic way? (4) What have been the consequences for the Zambian political system of the interaction among elite values, ideology, and problems of exercising power? The answers given to these questions will be more meaningful and more easily understood if we first present briefly a theoretical framework which includes definitions of the principal concepts employed in the paper and a discussion of the interrelations among them.

This paper constitutes a section of my dissertation on “Resource Perception and Its Developmental Determinants in Ashanti, Ghana: A Study in Cultural-Resource Geography.” The purpose of the primary study is to determine the factors of economic progress--in this case, that aspect dealing with the perception of and development of the natural resources as evidenced within the Ashanti region of Ghana. In the pursuit of the basic purpose of the study, the underlying problems of economic or cultural underdevelopment of the Ashanti were to be identified.

I recognize the role of such a variety of factors as ecology, history, culture, science, and technology in understanding the development of natural resources and the problems connected with their development. In this section, I wish to emphasize that a vital element in evaluating the relationship of man to nature is the human element or human culture involved and then to bring out aspects of the cultural resources of the people relevant to the primary study.

By cultural resources of the Ashanti, I am referring to the institutions, cultural traits, and tools of the Ashanti that were evolved or designed to ensure the survival and development of the individual members of the group, the group as a whole, and the resources of the land. In a sense, the cultural elements discussed below bring out those attitudes, beliefs, objectives, and technical knowledge possessed by the Ashanti that help make possible a judgment as to how the group perceived and utilized the raw materials of nature within their region.

Although a few trade unions had been formed in Nigeria before 1938, it was not until after the passage in that year of the Trades Union Ordinance by the Nigerian government that many trade unions were formed by Nigerian workers. Between 1940 and 1950, some 144 trade unions with a membership of over 144,000 were formed (Nigeria 1940-1950), and the prospects for further trade union growth were very bright. With the increase in the number of unions as time went on, the country was rocked by a number of industrial disputes (many of which were ill-advised), and a number of misappropriations of union funds by union officials also occurred. It was generally held that these problems could largely be overcame if the unions and their leaders were given adequate trade union education. In consequence, the government initiated a policy for giving trade unions and their leaders some basic training in trade union organisation and leadership.

The execution of this policy was the responsibility of labour officers in the trade union section of the Department of Labour. They were people with wide experience in trade union organisation and leadership. Such officers as Mr. R. Curry and his assistant Mr. M.A. Tukunboh were men with profound knowledge of trade unionism. Mr. Curry was “for many years the London and Eastern Counties Organiser for the National Union of Tailors and Government Workers,” and Mr. Tokunboh was “a former secretary of the Nigerian Trade Union Congress” (Nigeria 1946, par. 46). The main function of these officers was to work with the trade union leaders and assist trade “unions in such matters as accountancy, administration and organisation; to encourage the formation of benefit sections and, above all, to encourage and educate trade union officials and members in (1) the objects and functions of conferences, (2) the duties and responsibilities of officers and executive committees, and (3) the proper function of local committees and members' meeting” (Nigeria 1946, par. 46). The Department of Labour seems to have attached special importance to the education of trade union leaders. This was so because the leaders were the men on the spot to carry on the trade union education work in the interest of the rank-and-file trade unionists.

As used in this article, indigenous cooperatives refer to those informal arrangements under which some or all members of different families help one another by working together or by consuming food and drink together while maintaining their separate existence as economic entities. This definition, I hope, clearly distinguishes them from modern cooperatives, which are joint undertakings formed for the purpose of running a modern business. I speak of African indigenous cooperatives because the ones that I have experience of are based on African practices and customs. While I am aware from the writings of economic anthropologists that this mode of economic organization is used in other continents, it is conceivable that details may differ among different peoples. Such issues, however, are not my concern here.

The purpose of this study is the humble one of attempting to classify the cooperative arrangements that have been briefly described above. To the researcher or intending researcher in this field, a knowledge of what types of cooperation exist would probably help him in clarifying his research proposals and in planning what information to collect, among other things. Given the hazards of research, it may save him effort and other resources.

Second, the matter is important because of the significance which some African leaders attach to such cooperatives as instruments for socializing their economies. The issue here is which types of cooperation should be used to achieve economic growth and in which activities, while at the same time leading to what is deemed an equitable distribution of income and wealth. Unless careful research has been done on all aspects of cooperation, it would be rash to say that this should be discarded or that should be adopted. Suppose that cooperative labour proves to be less efficient than hired labour. Do we then rely on hired labour, hoping that cooperation in consumption or in using property will take care of equity in income and wealth distribution?

This bibliographical essay, it is hoped, will lead to an uncommon view of the opportunities for study of the trends in Nigeria's educational growth from its modest and feeble beginnings in the 1840's to.the elaborate and radical changes that are taking place today. The topics and problems discussed are not restricted to those bearing on schools, teachers, and formal instruction, but touch on all the questions that arise from the effort to understand the process and content of cultural transfer in early Nigerian education. It must be pointed out, however, that this work is not an attempt to provide a synthetic organon of topics whose investigation will complete the study of all facets of education in Nigeria, nor is it an attempt to present a definitive bibliography. It is, rather, an annotated listing of what I consider to be the key writings whose examination will lead to an understanding of the main developments in the trends. The comments I have added to a number of items are notes, not pronouncements ex cathedra. At best, a bibliographical essay of this nature may serve as a storehouse and a guide to a chest of tools from which each person must select for himself those items best suited to his work. If this essay should help investigators to take into account some relevant facts, questions, or materials which otherwise might not have come so soon to their attention, it will have fulfilled its primary purpose.

While the purpose of this brief article is to draw attention to the invaluable service performed by J. M. Dallet, P. B., and his collaborators at the editorial center of the Fichier de Documentation Berbère (For National, Algeria), I find it difficult to resist the temptation to suggest a few ideas on oral sources and historians. Clearly, anthropologists, ethnologists, linguists, and sociologists are not shy about using a variety of sources for their learned research. Oral traditions, for example, have long fascinated many of these specialists; but historians, until quite recently, have continued to plod along with their sacrosanct written records. This hesitation is unfortunate, for historical interpretations of many important questions are impossible as no relevant documents survived, if indeed such ever existed. Algerian historians--as opposed to European historians of Algeria--are involved in a breakthrough in this context. Particularly since independence, a small group of Algerian authors has begun to write and publish enlightening new interpretations or reinterpretations in which they unhesitatingly utilize oral traditions in the development of their theses. They, of course, know the traditions firsthand. Foreign specialists are not so fortunate. In any case, Mostefa Lacheraf (1965), Saadia-et-Lakhdar (1961), and Amar Naroun (Juin and Naroun 1963) come to mind immediately as examples of a new, vigorous, and probably very valid school of historical interpretation which draw upon oral sources.

Anyone who has worked in European archives on topics relevant to North Africa knows that the traditional written and static category of documentation leaves many questions unanswered. How, for example, can a question about Algerian reactions to French policies be fairly and fully answered on the basis of only colonial administrative reports and of the memoirs of colons and official representatives of the imperial system? Occasionally reactions were quite clear.

A friend of mine, an accomplished scholar and a popular teacher (not an Africanist), remarked recently on some controversial theme in historical interpretation, “Oh, I'll teach it, but I won't publish it!” And I wondered if that was also an insight into recent developments in African studies, particularly political studies. Take the issue of the black perspective on African affairs. Without admitting it, is that how academic Africanists will resolve this divisive controversy? Many colleges and universities now expect African studies to mean the teaching of African affairs, as part of a black studies program run by black teachers. If this is the dominant mood, then very soon what we read in support of classroom teaching about Africa may be completely different from what we read to each other at conventions.

The black perspective issue only underlines the broader issue of the separation of classroom teaching and scholarly research, which is particularly acute and open in political science. In the case of African politics, the pressure from students is for courses on “revolution.” The voguish perspective is that of “liberation”--black and/or socialist. Perhaps it is time for Africanist political scientists to question the relevance of their training, if teaching is to remain their calling. It is probably true that the insistence on perspective and relevance is an opening for propagandizing. But it may also serve to review the form and extent of connections between teaching and research--yes, again. Ten years ago, most of us probably felt that learning about African politics (research) and teaching political Africana were self-evidently tied together. So little was known--that is, processed through the scholarly apparatus--that anything learned could probably be taught, or at least listened to by students. African populations were embarked on overthrowing colonial rule and students would read even the journal articles.