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Astronomers in the past clearly recognized the irregular nature of the galaxy distribution in the nearby Universe. Both Herschel (ca. 1800) and Shapley (ca. 1932) detected and described these effects. They both named specific regions in the sky that are crowded with galaxies and other regions that are significantly deficient in galaxies. However, the scientific views of Hubble published in 1936 overshadowed these early results, and based on his beliefs (with no significant substantiating evidence) Hubble asserted that the Universe (both locally and at great distances) is isotropic and homogeneous. Hubble’s 1936 analysis used counts of faint galaxies to show that the Universe – with galaxies as designated “markers” in space – extends in depth to the greatest limits he was able to obtain at Mt. Wilson Observatory. In the 1930s, Holmberg and others set the foundation for hierarchical structure formation to explain the origin of groups and clusters of galaxies.
Two challenges have been made regarding the Gregory and Thompson 1978 discovery priority of cosmic voids and the extended structure (called “bridges”) that connect one rich cluster with its nearest neighbor(s). The primary challenge is by the Center for Astrophysics group called CfA2 headed by Geller and her late collaborator Huchra. A less significant challenge is by Chincarini, one of the Arizona redshift survey members. These issues are discussed point by point starting with the CfA2 challenge. Table 8.1 summarizes the Arizona work as of 1984–1985 (just before the CfA2 survey began). This table as well as the extensive “timeline” table (Table 8.2) demonstrate that the CfA2 survey was a latecomer in the pioneering period and represents nothing more than an incremental step forward. The Chincarini challenge is based on data that belonged to our Arizona consortium (a subgroup headed by Tarenghi) and was published by Chincarini without permission.
Jaan Einasto at first investigated the structure of nearby galaxies and helped to deduce that they are dominated by dark matter. Joeveer at first studied the distribution and dynamics of stars in our Milky Way galaxy. In a joint effort in the mid-1970s, they investigated the galaxy distribution using catalogued data and began to see evidence for large-scale inhomogeneities. A careful review of their investigation reveals shortcomings. The Tartu Observatory 1.5-m telescope was built and commissioned in this era, but it was not equipped with a spectrograph capable of detecting galaxy redshifts. The greatest advantage held by the Estonians came from their early knowledge of computer simulations by Shandarin based on the Zeldovich approximation. At IAU Symposium No. 79 organized by the Estonian astronomers, the first open discussion was held of cosmic voids. Also participating in the meeting was Brent Tully, an expert on the structure of the Local supercluster.
Two new wide-field photographic survey telescopes were placed into operation soon after World War II, and two new nearly-all-sky galaxy surveys emerged: the Lick Observatory Shane and Wirtanen survey and the National Geographic Palomar Observatory Sky Survey. These made it possible for the first time to study the galaxy distribution in 2D as projected onto the sky. Both Shane and Abell found evidence for galaxy superclusters, but Zwicky remained steadfast in saying that superclusters do not exist. Starting in 1953, Gerard de Vaucouleurs studied the properties of the Local supercluster showing that only 10 percent of the local volume of space is occupied by groups of galaxies. Table 4.1 lists all known galaxy superclusters from this early era. The subject of cosmic voids did not arise in a formal sense, but Neyman and Scott devised a model of the galaxy distribution showing that all galaxies might all belong to groups or clusters of galaxies. Still, some cosmologists remained holdouts for homogeneity.
Tifft and Gregory began to collect Coma cluster redshifts at Steward Observatory’s 90-inch telescope in the mid-1970s when Chincarini and Rood were doing similar work at the Kitt Peak 84-inch telescope. Tifft branched into non-cosmological redshift work while Gregory and Thompson began to collaborate. For our redshift survey work, we adopted a new strategy of mapping the galaxy distribution between two rich clusters – Coma and A1367. Another collaborative effort to study the Hercules supercluster was started by Tarenghi that involved Tifft, Chincarini, Rood, and Thompson. The Gregory and Thompson work was completed first and was submitted for publication in 1977 immediately before IAU Symposium No. 79. Chincarini took preliminary Hercules redshift data and published them on his own in Nature. A new team – Kirshner, Oemler, Schechter, and Shectman – discovered the Bootes void in 1981. Meanwhile, the first Center for Astrophysics team (CfA1) published a shallow all-sky redshift survey in 1982, and in 1986 the CfA2 team published their “Slice of the Universe” redshift map.
Rudimentary catalogues of cosmic voids were first complied in the mid-1980s, but they were limited in scope by the lack of adequate deep galaxy survey data. Over several decades, catalogues have improved as have cosmic void identification methods. Voids in the galaxy distribution have become important objects and modern tools that are now used to investigate properties of the Universe. They have been and continue to be applied to problems in precision cosmology. The first step in utilizing this new tool is to compile massive surveys of the distant Universe that yield sufficiently large samples of cosmic voids. Then reliable void identification techniques were developed. These include sophisticated methods of 3D analysis. For some tests, “stacked voids” are created to enhance the measurement precision. Specific research results are summarized showing concrete results. Three other topics are discussed: topology of the void and supercluster structure, the LTB Universe models, and finally void galaxies.
The large-scale structure of the Universe is dominated by vast voids with galaxies clustered in knots, sheets, and filaments, forming a great 'cosmic web'. In this personal account of the major astronomical developments leading to this discovery, we learn from Laird A. Thompson, a key protagonist, how the first 3D maps of galaxies were created. Using non-mathematical language, he introduces the standard model of cosmology before explaining how and why ideas about cosmic voids evolved, referencing the original maps, reproduced here. His account tells of the competing teams of observers, racing to publish their results, the theorists trying to build or update their models to explain them, and the subsequent large-scale survey efforts that continue to the present day. This is a well-documented account of the birth of a major pillar of modern cosmology, and a useful case study of the trials surrounding how this scientific discovery became accepted.
This fourth volume covers the period which was probably the most varied of Newton's whole career. The Principia had already established Newton as the world's foremost mathematician and natural philosopher. In spite of the abstruse nature of the mathematical treatment adopted in its pages, the first edition was rapidly exhausted and, within a very few years, Newton was being urged to consider the preparation of the second edition. This was to contain, inter alia, his further researches upon the motion of the Moon, the solar system, and the behaviour of the comets. Not until 1694, however, did his thoughts upon this project assume definite shape. To carry out his plan, he had need of the most accurate observations available, and for these he turned to the Observatory at Greenwich, where John Flamsteed had been installed as King's Astronomer. So came about that close association between the two men which was to last for many years, though not without frequent interruptions.
This second volume contains the first exchange of letters between Newton and Leibniz, which took place through the intermediacy of Oldenburg, as well as the beginning of Newton's correspondence of Flamsteed, which resulted from their common interest in the comet of 1680. Of prime interest is the correspondence with Halley, whose compelling zeal and energy played such a part in persuading Newton to write the Principia. This great work was published about midsummer 1687. As early as New Year 1684/5 it was known in some quarters that Newton was busying himself with applying his laws of motion to problems of celestial mechanics, for at that time Flamsteed wrote (Letter 275): 'if you will give me leave to guesse at your designe I beleive you are endeavoring to define ye curve yt ye comet in ye aether from your Theory of motion'.