This INTRODCTION shows how leaders (such as Vladimir Putin and Lyndon Johnson) often tell false stories about international affairs but lately have more and more disregarded truth (facts) in domestic policy talk while highlighting stories (like MAGA) instead. Yet truth telling is vital to democracy. Therefore, in post-truth America, political scientists should widen their disciplinary scope to pay more attention to stories than they do today. While doing so, they should (truthfully) criticize those stories within the guidelines of choosing, refraining, and dissembling (which will be explained more fully in later chapters).

This chapter highlights the strong relationship between dialogue and political moderation by drawing on the ideas of J. S. Mill’s On Liberty (1859). It makes a plea for cultivating the civil art of disagreement that is vital to our free and democratic way of life.

This chapter brings back the voices of the two young radicals who make a strong case against moderation from their different ideological perspectives.

This chapter presents moderation as an alternative to ideology and relies on the definition of politics given by Michael Oakeshott, according to which politics is and must remain a limited activity providing the general rules of conduct. It makes a distinction between ideological and political thinking and comments on the overlap and differences between moderation and conservatism.

A few brief reflections on the timeliness and importance of rediscovering moderation in our age of extremes following the fall of the Berlin Wall. It also comments on the fragility of civilization and makes a strong case for moderation conceived of as a fighting faith.

Ths chapter examines compromise as a face of moderation and shows how compromise properly understood can help us address the deep affective and ideological polarization in American society today. The compromsing mindset open to conciliation and bargaining is opposed to the uncompromising one that borders on authoritarianism.

The horror novel appears in the late twentieth century as a significant genre of popular fiction. Growing out of older traditions of the European Gothic and weird fiction, and their trajectory through American literature, the horror novel has produced some of the most famous names in writing, such as Shirley Jackson and Stephen King. Debates about the literary merits of horror have been frequent, but the genre undoubtedly holds an important place in fiction and in American culture more widely. The politics of the horror novel, then, are crucial. This chapter traces the history of critical commentary on the political position of horror, asking if it upholds or questions the status quo. It also moves beyond this model to examine modern transformations of the genre and self-conscious literary responses to the legacy of racism and misogyny that has been a subject of critique. Covering the horror novel’s response to varied social changes, including immigration, the sexual revolution, and the Civil Rights Movement, this chapter argues that it is capable of both reflecting on and exploiting social fears, and that its politics are as varied as its form, which has far more variety than narrow genre definitions might suggest.

This chapter examines the politics of postmodern metafiction. Starting from the widespread view that 1970s postmodernism was “politically abortive” and interested primarily in language games, the chapter sets out to rethink this position. Turning back to the coining of the term “metafiction” by William Gass and considering some major examples of the form (including work by Kurt Vonnegut, among others), the opening half of the chapter introduces the idea that there is a lurking sense of identity politics beneath much canonical metafiction. Tracing lines of continuity with the work of white male modernist authors, the model of metafictional “author gods” is critically examined. The chapter goes on to establish a counter-tradition, making use of the work of bell hooks and Henry Louis Gates, Jr. to explore texts that use metafictional devices while resisting any illusion of supra-textual mastery. Samuel R. Delany’s metafictional science fiction epic Dhalgren is posited as the exemplar of this counter-tradition. The chapter makes the case that Delany’s text, overlooked by many scholars of the form, should sit at the center of any discussion of 1970s metafiction. The conclusion includes a brief survey of the implicit politics detectable in some recent examples of metafictional writing.

This chapter suggests that the chief subject of Western genre fiction is the politics of individual freedom. Novels that take the American West as their principal setting and subject, such as Owen Wister’s The Virginian (1902), Zane Grey’s Riders of the Purple Sage (1912), Louis L’Amour’s Hondo (1953), Larry McMurtry’s Lonesome Dove (1985), and Cormac McCarthy’s Blood Meridian (1985), along with short stories such as Annie Proulx’s “Brokeback Mountain” (1997), ask questions that are fundamentally about liberalism. The chapter suggests that early genre Westerns tend to imagine the American West as a romantic space of absolute individual autonomy, whereas post-1970s Westerns reimagine the genre with a critical eye, as if to acknowledge the myriad ways in which the frontier myth was too often a cover story for conquest. Over the course of its twentieth-century invention and reinvention, one persistent feature of the Western genre was the many ways in which it positioned the signifiers of the West in order to imagine individualism in America.

I first met “Lauren” and “Rob,” two young students, at a lecture on our university campus a few years ago. The topic – challenges to liberal democracy – seemed interesting enough to them to spend a couple of hours reflecting on the trials of liberal democracy. They came with different expectations, agendas, and hopes. “Lauren” is a committed socialist who grew up in a secular family in Brooklyn. She joined the Democratic Socialists of America and was a great fan of the agenda of Bernie Sanders and the (so-called) Squad. As an avid reader of radical left-wing magazines such as The Jacobin, In These Times, and n+1, Lauren has been greatly impressed by the agenda of the Occupy Wall Street and the Black Lives Matter movements. “Rob” could not be more different.

The epilogue draws on Saul Alinsky’s well-known book Rules for Radicals (1971) and outlines a series of rules for “radical moderates” in the form of a Decalogue (sui generis) of moderation.

Chapter 10 argues that, after choosing between Stories and refraining from undermining too many of them, scholars should, occasionally, also dissemble. The point is that if all Stories are false and some of them are worse than others, we must choose and teach Stories that are less bad than the worse. But even those alternative Stories will be false, in which case scholars should take into account that even while they are promoting what they consider to be a better Story, it will not be entirely true. Some implications of this situation appear in works by Jill Lepore, Wilfred McClay, and William James.

This chapter examines the literary left over the course of the twentieth century. Beginning with an analysis of key nineteenth-century literary antecedents to later socialist and communist novels, it then focuses on early twentieth-century leftist novels drawn from realism, naturalism, and utopian socialism. The chapter pays special attention to influential fictional works by Upton Sinclair, notably The Jungle, and the many subsequent leftist novels spawned by Sinclair’s success. It surveys unique contributions to the literary left made by Black novelists such as Claude McKay and Richard Wright and by feminist writers such as Ursula K. Le Guin. The chapter ends with a brief analysis of post-1960s leftist writers such as Kim Stanley Robinson, who harnessed science fiction for revolutionary ends.

Leslie Marmon Silko’s Ceremony is an anglophone novel that aspires to heal the effects of conquest and colonization through a decolonial politics that accepts hybridity, recognizes the sensitive work involved in transitions, and embraces Indigenous knowledge. Even as Silko celebrates hybridization, transitions, and boundary-crossing, she recognizes that these processes have a dangerous side – specifically, the potentially world-destroying effects of the nuclear arms race. The novel shows that settler colonialism is one aspect of an unfolding pattern that denies limits and boundaries; with the invention of nuclear weapons, it threatens to destroy the world. Silko’s message echoes Vine Deloria, Jr.’s 1974 essay “Non-Violence in American Society,” commenting on the era’s social justice movements. Giving narrative form to Deloria’s message, in Ceremony the multiple strands of Silko’s political thought – the Native American Renaissance and decolonization, environmentalism, feminism, antiwar and anti-nuclear activism – are woven together in a story that is also a healing ceremony for readers. Ceremony aims to create a world where indigeneity emerges as the dominant force for a world at risk that is also a world in transition.

This chapter explores the relationship between political moderation and realism and shows that moderation properly understood and practiced is compatible with pragmatic partisanship. It shows that at the core of moderation lies a certain propensity to self-subversion (the term borrowed from A. O. Hirschman).