Skip to main content Accessibility help

We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.

Close cookie message
×
Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t7czq Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T00:55:16.497Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

References

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 January 2024

Alexa Bankert
Alexa Bankert
Affiliation:
University of Georgia
Get access

Summary

A summary is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.
Image of the first page of this content. For PDF version, please use the ‘Save PDF’ preceeding this image.'
Type
Chapter
Information
When Politics Becomes Personal
The Effect of Partisan Identity on Anti-Democratic Behavior
 , pp. 171 - 188
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2024

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abramowitz, A. I., & Webster, S. (2016). The rise of negative partisanship and the nationalization of US elections in the 21st century. Electoral Studies, 41, 12–22.Google Scholar
Abramowitz, A. I., & Webster, S. W. (2018). Negative partisanship: Why Americans dislike parties but behave like rabid partisans: Negative partisanship and rabid partisans. Political Psychology, 39, 119–135.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Achen, C. H., & Bartels, L. M. (2017). Democracy for realists: Why elections do not produce responsive government. Princeton Studies in Political Behavior. Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Adams, J., Ezrow, L., & Somer-Topcu, Z. (2011). Is anybody listening? Evidence that voters do not respond to European parties’ policy statements during elections. American Journal of Political Science, 55(2), 370–382. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00489.x.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Adorno, T., Frenkel-Brunswick, E., Levinson, D., & Sanford, R. (1950). The authoritarian personality. Harper.Google Scholar
Ahlander, J., & Johnson, S. (2021, June 24). After years on the fringe, Sweden Democrats take centre stage. www.reuters.com/world/after-years-fringe-sweden-democrats-take-centre-stage-2021-06-24.Google Scholar
Ahler, D. J., & Sood, G. (2018). The parties in our heads: Misperceptions about party composition and their consequences. The Journal of Politics, 80(3), 964–981.Google Scholar
Alford, J. R., & Hibbing, J. R. (2007). Personal, interpersonal, and political temperaments. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 614(1), 196–212. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716207305621.Google Scholar
Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Addison-Wesley.Google Scholar
Altemeyer, B. (1988). Enemies of freedom: Understanding right-wing authoritarianism. Jossey-Bass.Google Scholar
Altemeyer, B. (2004). Highly dominating, highly authoritarian personalities. The Journal of Social Psychology, 144(4), 421–448. https://doi.org/10.3200/SOCP.144.4.421-448.Google Scholar
Amaro, S. (2020, April 21). Coronavirus deepens political fragmentation in Italy as anti-EU sentiment rises. CNBC. www.cnbc.com/2020/04/21/italys-political-fragmentation-rises-amid-coronavirus-pandemic.html.Google Scholar
Andersson, L. M., & Pearson, C. M. (1999). Tit for tat? The spiraling effect of incivility in the workplace. Academy of Management Review, 24(3), 452–471.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Arceneaux, K., & Vander Wielen, R. J. (2017). Taming intuition: How reflection minimizes partisan reasoning and promotes democratic accountability. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108227643.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Arzheimer, K. (2017). Another dog that didn’t bark? Less dealignment and more partisanship in the 2013 Bundestag election. German Politics, 26(1), 49–64. https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2016.1266481.Google Scholar
Avlon, J. (2017). Washington’s farewell: The founding father’s warning to future generations. Simon and Schuster.Google Scholar
Ayala, R. J. de. (2009). The theory and practice of item response theory. Guilford Press.Google Scholar
Azevedo, F., Jost, J. T., Rothmund, T., & Sterling, J. (2019). Neoliberal ideology and the justification of inequality in capitalist societies: Why social and economic dimensions of ideology are intertwined. Journal of Social Issues, 75(1), 49–88. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12310.Google Scholar
Bafumi, J., & Shapiro, R. Y. (2009). A new partisan voter. The Journal of Politics, 71(1), 1–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Baldassarri, D., & Gelman, A. (2008). Partisans without constraint: Political polarization and trends in American public opinion. American Journal of Sociology, 114(2), 408–446. https://doi.org/10.1086/590649.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Bankert, A. (2020). The origins and effect of negative partisanship. In Oscarsson, G. H. E. & Holmberg, S. (Eds.), Research handbook on political partisanship (pp. 89–101). Edward Elgar.Google Scholar
Bankert, A. (2021). Negative and positive partisanship in the 2016 US presidential elections. Political Behavior, 43(4), 1467–1485.Google Scholar
Bankert, A. (2022). Negative partisanship among Independents in the 2020 US presidential elections. Electoral Studies, 78, 102490.Google Scholar
Bankert, A., Del Ponte, A., & Huddy, L. (2023). Partisanship in times of crisis: Evidence from Italy. Political Science Research and Methods, 11(1), 1–17.Google Scholar
Bankert, A., Huddy, L., & Rosema, M. (2017). Measuring partisanship as a social identity in multi-party systems. Political Behavior, 39(1), 103–132.Google Scholar
Baker, A., Ames, B., Sokhey, A. E., & Renno, L. R. (2016). The dynamics of partisan identification when party brands change: The case of the Workers Party in Brazil. The Journal of Politics, 78(1), 197–213. https://doi.org/10.1086/683609.Google Scholar
Barbaranelli, C., Caprara, G. V., Vecchione, M., & Fraley, C. R. (2007). Voters’ personality traits in presidential elections. Personality and Individual Differences, 42(7), 1199–1208. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2006.09.029.Google Scholar
Barreto, A. A., & Napolio, N. G. (2020). Bifurcating American identity: Partisanship, sexual orientation, and the 2016 presidential election. Politics, Groups, and Identities, 8(1), 143–159.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bartels, L. M. (2000). Partisanship and voting behavior, 1952–1996. American Journal of Political Science, 44(1), 35–50. https://doi.org/10.2307/2669291.Google Scholar
Bartels, L. M. (2002). Beyond the running tally: Partisan bias in political perceptions. Political Behavior, 24, 117–150.Google Scholar
Bartels, L. M. (2010, February 25). The study of electoral behavior. The Oxford Handbook of American Elections and Political Behavior. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199235476.003.0014.Google Scholar
Berglund, F., Holmberg, S., Schmitt, H., & Thomassen, J. (2005). Party identification and party choice. In Thomassen, J. (Ed.), The European voter: A comparative study of Modern democracies (pp. 106–24). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/0199273219.003.0005.Google Scholar
Bisgaard, M. (2015). Bias will find a way: Economic perceptions, attributions of blame, and partisan-motivated reasoning during crisis. The Journal of Politics, 77(3), 849–860. https://doi.org/10.1086/681591.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bolsen, T., Druckman, J. N., & Cook, F. L. (2014). The influence of partisan motivated reasoning on public opinion. Political Behavior, 36(2), 235–262. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-013-9238-0.Google Scholar
Bosch, A., & Durán, I. M. (2019). How does economic crisis impel emerging parties on the road to elections? The case of the Spanish Podemos and Ciudadanos. Party Politics, 25(2), 257–267.Google Scholar
Bosco, A., & Verney, S. (2020). Polarisation in southern Europe: Elites, party conflicts and negative partisanship. South European Society and Politics, 25(3–4), 257–284.Google Scholar
Bosson, J. K., Johnson, A. B., Niederhoffer, K., & Swann, W. B. Jr. (2006). Interpersonal chemistry through negativity: Bonding by sharing negative attitudes about others. Personal Relationships, 13, 135–150.Google Scholar
Boudreau, C., & MacKenzie, S. A. (2014). Informing the electorate? How party cues and policy information affect public opinion about initiatives. American Journal of Political Science, 58(1), 48–62. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12054.Google Scholar
Bowles, N. (2019, November 3). How to get Trump voters and liberals to talk: Don’t make anyone sit in a circle. New York Times.Google Scholar
Brader, T., & Tucker, J. A. (2009). Follow the leader: Party cues, partisans, and public opinion in old and new democracies. Social Science Research Network. https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=1448995.Google Scholar
Brady, H. E., Verba, S., & Schlozman, K. L. (1995). Beyond SES: A resource model of political participation. American Political Science Review, 89(2), 271–294. https://doi.org/10.2307/2082425.Google Scholar
Branscombe, N. R., Ellemers, N., Spears, R., & Doosje, B. (1999). The context and content of social identity threat. Social Identity: Context, Commitment, Content, 35–58.Google Scholar
Brewer, M. B. (1999). The psychology of prejudice: Ingroup love and outgroup hate? Journal of Social Issues, 55(3), 429–444.Google Scholar
Brewer, M. B., & Pierce, K. P. (2005). Social identity complexity and outgroup tolerance. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 31(3), 428–437.Google Scholar
Broder, D. S. (1971). The party’s over: The failure of politics in America. Harper & Row.Google Scholar
Bullock, J. G., Gerber, A. S., Hill, S. J., & Huber, G. A. (2015). Partisan bias in factual beliefs about politics. Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 10(4), 519–578. https://doi.org/10.1561/100.00014074.Google Scholar
Bustikova, L. (2009). The extreme Right in Eastern Europe: EU accession and the quality of governance. Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 17(2), 223–239.Google Scholar
Byman, D. (2022, April 9). How hateful rhetoric connects to real-world violence. www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2021/04/09/how-hateful-rhetoric-connects-to-real-world-violence/.Google Scholar
Campbell, A., Converse, P. E., Miller, W. E., & Stokes, D. E. (1960). The American voter. University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Caprara, G. V., Barbaranelli, C., & Zimbardo, P. G. (1999). Personality profiles and political parties. Political Psychology, 20(1), 175–197.Google Scholar
Carlson, E. (2016). Finding partisanship where we least expect it: Evidence of partisan bias in a new African democracy. Political Behavior, 38(1), 129–154. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-015-9309-5.Google Scholar
Caruana, N. J., McGregor, R. M., & Stephenson, L. B. (2015). The power of the dark side: Negative partisanship and political behaviour in Canada. Canadian Journal of Political Science, 48(4), 771–789.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cassese, E.C. (2021). Partisan dehumanization in American politics. Political Behavior, 43(1), 29–50. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-019-09545-w.Google Scholar
Choma, B. L., & Hanoch, Y. (2017). Cognitive ability and authoritarianism: Understanding support for Trump and Clinton. Personality and Individual Differences, 106 (February), 287–291. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.10.054.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chua, A. (2019). Political tribes: Group instinct and the fate of nations. Penguin.Google Scholar
Cohen, G. L. (2003). Party over policy: The dominating impact of group influence on political beliefs. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85(5). https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/0022-3514.85.5.808.Google Scholar
Converse, P. E. (2006). The nature of belief systems in mass publics (1964). Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society, 18(1–3), 1–74. https://doi.org/10.1080/08913810608443650.Google Scholar
Cookson, J. A., Engelberg, J. E., & Mullins, W. (2020). Does partisanship shape investor beliefs? Evidence from the COVID-19 pandemic. The Review of Asset Pricing Studies, 10(4), 863–893.Google Scholar
Cooper, C. A., Golden, L., & Socha, A. (2013). The big five personality factors and mass politics. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 43(1), 68–82.Google Scholar
Crawford, J. T., & Pilanski, J. M. (2014). Political intolerance, Right and Left. Political Psychology, 35(6), 841–851. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00926.x.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Crewe, I. (1980). Negative partisanship: Some preliminary ideas using British data. Planning Session on Problems in Comparative Survey Research in Political Behaviour: Issues in Data Collection and Analysis, Joint Sessions of the European Consortium for Political Research.Google Scholar
Donovan, M. (2008). The center-right: Conflict, unity, and permanent mobilization. In Donovan, M. & Onofri, P. (Eds.), Italian politics: Frustrated aspirations for change (pp. 68–85). Berghahn.Google Scholar
Dalton, R. J., & Wattenberg, M. P. (Eds.). (2002). Parties without partisans: Political change in advanced industrial democracies. Oxford University Press on Demand.Google Scholar
Dalton, R. J., & Weldon, S. (2007). Partisanship and party system institutionalization. Party Politics, 13(2), 179–196. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068807073856.Google Scholar
Dassonneville, R., & Hooghe, M. (2018). Indifference and alienation: Diverging dimensions of electoral dealignment in Europe. Acta Politica, 53(1), 1–23.Google Scholar
Desilver, D. (2020, November 3). In past elections, U.S. trailed most developed countries in voter turnout. Pew Research Center. www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/11/03/in-past-elections-u-s-trailed-most-developed-countries-in-voter-turnout/.Google Scholar
De Vries, W., Tarrance, L., & Tarrance, V. L. (1972). The ticket-splitter: A new force in American politics. Eerdmans.Google Scholar
DutchNews. (2019, November 18). Man jailed for 10 years for plotting “terrorist attack” on Geert Wilders. Dutch News. www.dutchnews.nl/news/2019/11/man-jailed-for-10-years-for-plotting-terrorist-attack-on-geert-wilders/.Google Scholar
Druckman, J. N., Gubitz, S. R., Levendusky, M. S., & Lloyd, A. M. (2019). How incivility on partisan media (de-)polarizes the electorate. The Journal of Politics, 81(1), 291–295.Google Scholar
Druckman, J. N., Klar, S., Krupnikov, Y., Levendusky, M., & Ryan, J. B. (2020). How affective polarization shapes Americans’ political beliefs: A study of response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Journal of Experimental Political Science, 1–12.Google Scholar
Druckman, J. N., & Levendusky, M. S. (2019). What do we measure when we measure affective polarization? Public Opinion Quarterly, 83(1), 114–122.Google Scholar
Druckman, J. N., Peterson, E., & Slothuus, R. (2013). How elite partisan polarization affects public opinion formation. American Political Science Review, 107(1), 57–79. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055412000500.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Duckitt, J., & Sibley, C. G. (2007). Right wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation and the dimensions of generalized prejudice. European Journal of Personality, 21(2), 113–130. https://doi.org/10.1002/per.614.Google Scholar
Duckitt, J., & Sibley, C. G. (2009). A dual-process motivational model of ideology, politics, and prejudice. Psychological Inquiry, 20(2–3), 98–109. https://doi.org/10.1080/10478400903028540.Google Scholar
Dunwoody, P. T., & Plane, D. L. (2019). The influence of authoritarianism and outgroup threat on political affiliations and support for antidemocratic policies. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 25(3), 198–210. https://doi.org/10.1037/pac0000397.Google Scholar
Ellemers, N., Spears, R., & Doosje, B. (2002). Self and social identity. Annual Review of Psychology, 53(1), 161–186.Google Scholar
Elsbach, K. D., & Bhattacharya, C. B. (2001). Defining who you are by what you’re not: Organizational disidentification and the National Rifle Association. Organization Science, 12(4), 393–413.Google Scholar
Endres, K., Panagopoulos, C., & Green, D. P. (2020). Elite messaging and partisan consumerism: An evaluation of President Trump’s tweets and polarization of corporate brand images. Political Research Quarterly, 74(4), 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912920939188.Google Scholar
Ethier, K. A., and Deaux, K. (1994). Negotiating social identity when contexts change: Maintaining identification and responding to threat. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67(2), 243–251. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.67.2.243.Google Scholar
Eysenck, H. J. (1967). The biological basis of personality. Thomas.Google Scholar
Ezrow, L., Tavits, M., & Homola, J. (2014). Voter polarization, strength of partisanship, and support for extremist parties. Comparative Political Studies, 47(11), 1558–1583.Google Scholar
Federico, C. M., Fisher, E. L., & Deason, G. (2017). The authoritarian Left withdraws from politics: Ideological asymmetry in the relationship between authoritarianism and political engagement. The Journal of Politics, 79(3), 1010–1023. https://doi.org/10.1086/692126.Google Scholar
Feldman, S. (2003). Enforcing social conformity: A theory of authoritarianism. Political Psychology, 24(1), 41–74. https://doi.org/10.1111/0162-895X.00316.Google Scholar
Feldman, S., & Stenner, K. (1997). Perceived threat and authoritarianism. Political Psychology, 18(4), 741–770. https://doi.org/10.1111/0162-895X.00077.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fernandez-Vazquez, P. (2014). And yet it moves: The effect of election platforms on party policy images. Comparative Political Studies, 47(14), 1919–1944. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414013516067.Google Scholar
Fiorina, M. P. (1981). Retrospective voting in American national elections. Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Fowler, J. H., & Kam, C. D. (2007). Beyond the self: Social identity, altruism, and political participation. Journal of Politics, 69(3), 813–827. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00577.x.Google Scholar
French, D. (2020). Divided we fall: America’s secession threat and how to restore our nation (1st edition). St. Martin’s Press.Google Scholar
Gadarian, S. K., Goodman, S. W., & Pepinsky, T. B. (2021). Partisanship, health behavior, and policy attitudes in the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. Plos One, 16(4), e0249596.Google Scholar
Gaertner, S. L., Dovidio, J. F., Anastasio, P. A., Bachman, B. A., & Rust, M. C. (1993). The common ingroup identity model: Recategorization and the reduction of intergroup bias. European Review of Social Psychology, 4(1), 1–26.Google Scholar
Gaertner, S. L., Dovidio, J. F., Nier, J. A., Banker, B. S., Ward, C. M., Houlette, M., & Loux, S. (2000). The common ingroup identity model for reducing intergroup bias: Progress and challenges. In Capozza, D. & Brown, R. (Eds.), Social identity processes: Trends in theory and research (pp. 133–148). Sage.Google Scholar
Gaertner, L., Iuzzini, J., Witt, M. G., & Orina, M. M. (2006). Us without them: Evidence for an intragroup origin of positive ingroup regard. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90, 426–439.Google Scholar
Garzia, D. (2013). The rise of party/leader identification in Western Europe. Political Research Quarterly, 66(3), 533–544. https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912912463122.Google Scholar
Garzia, D., & Ferreira da Silva, F. (2022). Negativity and political behavior: A theoretical framework for the analysis of negative voting in contemporary democracies. Political Studies Review, 20(2), 282–291.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Gerber, A. S., Huber, G. A., Doherty, D., & Dowling, C. M. (2011). Personality traits and the consumption of political information. American Politics Research, 39(1), 32–84. https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X10381466.Google Scholar
Gerber, A. S., Huber, G. A., Doherty, D., & Dowling, C. M. (2012). Personality and the strength and direction of partisan identification. Political Behavior, 34(4), 653–688.Google Scholar
Gerber, A. S., Huber, G. A., Doherty, D., Dowling, C. M., & Ha, S. E. (2010). Personality and political attitudes: Relationships across issue domains and political contexts. The American Political Science Review, 104(1), 111–133.Google Scholar
González, R., Manzi, J., Saiz, J., Brewer, M., De Tezanos-Pinto, P., Torres, D., Aravena, M. T., & Aldunate, N. (2008). Interparty attitudes in Chile: Coalitions as superordinate social identities. Political Psychology, 29 (January), 93–118. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2007.00614.x.Google Scholar
Goren, P. (2005). Party identification and core political values. American Journal of Political Science, 49(4), 881–896. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2005.00161.x.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Goren, P., Federico, C. M., & Kittilson, M. C. (2009). Source cues, partisan identities, and political value expression. American Journal of Political Science, 53(4), 805–820. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00402.x.Google Scholar
Gosling, S. D, Rentfrow, P. J., & Swann, W. B. (2003). A very brief measure of the Big-Five Personality Domains. Journal of Research in Personality, 37(6), 504–528. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0092-6566(03)00046-1.Google Scholar
Green, D. P., Palmquist, B., & Schickler, E. (2002). Partisan hearts and minds: Political parties and the social identities of voters. Yale ISPS Series. Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Greene, S. (1999). Understanding party identification: A social identity approach. Political Psychology, 20(2), 393–403.Google Scholar
Greene, S. (2002). The social-psychological measurement of partisanship. Political Behavior, 24(3), 171–197.Google Scholar
Greene, S. (2004). Social identity theory and party identification. Social Science Quarterly, 85(1), 136–153.Google Scholar
Groenendyk, E. W., & Banks, A. J. (2014). Emotional rescue: How affect helps partisans overcome collective action problems. Political Psychology, 35(3), 359–378. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12045.Google Scholar
Grossman, G., Kim, S., Rexer, J. M., & Thirumurthy, H. (2020). Political partisanship influences behavioral responses to governors’ recommendations for COVID-19 prevention in the United States. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 117(39), 24144–24153Google Scholar
The Guardian. (2021, September 26). Angela Rayner stands by labelling of Tories as “scum.” www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/sep/26/angela-rayner-stands-byremarks-calling-tories-scum.Google Scholar
Guay, B., & Johnston, C. D. (2021). Ideological asymmetries and the determinants of politically motivated reasoning. American Journal of Political Science, 12624. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12624.Google Scholar
Hagevi, M. (2015). Bloc identification in multi-party systems: The case of the Swedish two-bloc system. West European Politics, 38(1), 73–92. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2014.911480.Google Scholar
Hajnal, Z., & Lee, T. (2011). Race, immigration, and (non)partisanship in America. Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Harteveld, E. (2021). Fragmented foes: Affective polarization in the multiparty context of the Netherlands. Electoral Studies, 71, 102332.Google Scholar
Haslam, N. (2006). Dehumanization: An integrative review. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 10, 252–264.Google Scholar
Haslam, N., & Loughnan, S. (2014). Dehumanization and infrahumanization. Annual Review of Psychology, 65, 399–423.Google Scholar
Heeremans, L. (2018). Affective polarization in the Netherlands – political parties and political orientation. Universiteit van Amsterdam Department of Political Sciences: Public Policy and Governance. Unpublished Master’s Thesis: file:///Users/ab26663/Downloads/Heeremans_11783710.pdf.Google Scholar
Heider, F. (1958). The psychology of interpersonal relations. John Willey & Sons.Google Scholar
Henry, P. J., Sidanius, Jim, Levin, Shana, and Pratto, Felicia. (2005). “Social Dominance Orientation, Authoritarianism, and Support for Intergroup Violence Between the Middle East and America.” Political Psychology, 26(4), 569–584. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2005.00432.x.Google Scholar
Hetherington, M. J., & Weiler, J. D. (2009). Authoritarianism and polarization in American politics. Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Hetherington, M., & Suhay, E. (2011). Authoritarianism, threat, and Americans’ support for the War on Terror. American Journal of Political Science, 55(3), 546–560. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00514.x.Google Scholar
Hiel, A. v., Pandelaere, M., & Duriez, B. (2004). The impact of need for closure on conservative beliefs and racism: Differential mediation by authoritarian submission and authoritarian dominance. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 30(7), 824–837. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167204264333.Google Scholar
Hogg, M. A. (2012). Self-uncertainty, social identity, and the solace of extremism. In Blaylock, D. L. & Hogg, M. A. (Eds.), Extremism and the psychology of uncertainty (pp. 19–35). John Wiley & Sons.Google Scholar
Hogg, M. A., and van Knippenberg, D. (2003). Social identity and leadership processes in groups. In Zanna, M. P. (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 35, pp. 1–52). Elsevier Academic Press.Google Scholar
Hogg, M. A., van Knippenberg, D., & Rast, D. E. I. (2012). Intergroup leadership in organizations: Leading across group and intergroup boundaries. The Academy of Management Review, 37(2), 232–255.Google Scholar
Hogg, M. A., & Reid, S. A. (2006). Social identity, self-categorization, and the communication of group norms. Communication theory, 16(1), 7–30.Google Scholar
Huddy, L. (2001). From social to political identity: A critical examination of social identity theory. Political psychology, 22(1), 127–156.Google Scholar
Huddy, L. (2013). From group identity to political cohesion and commitment. In Huddy, L., Sears, D. O., & Levy, J. S. (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Political Psychology (2nd edition) (pp. 737–773). Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Huddy, L., Bankert, A., & Davies, C. (2018). Expressive versus instrumental partisanship in multiparty European systems. Political Psychology, 39, 173–199.Google Scholar
Huddy, L., Feldman, S., & Weber, C. (2007). The political consequences of perceived threat and felt insecurity. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 614, 131–153.Google Scholar
Huddy, L., & Khatib, N. (2007). American patriotism, national identity, and political involvement. American Journal of Political Science, 51(1), 63–77.Google Scholar
Huddy, L., Mason, L., & Aarøe, L. (2015). Expressive partisanship: Campaign involvement, political emotion, and partisan identity. American Political Science Review, 109 (1), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055414000604.Google Scholar
Huddy, L., & Yair, O. (2021). Reducing affective polarization: Warm group relations or policy compromise? Political Psychology, 42(2), 291–309.Google Scholar
Ignazi, P. (1992). The silent counter‐revolution: Hypotheses on the emergence of extreme right‐wing parties in Europe. European Journal of Political Research, 22(1), 3–34.Google Scholar
Irwin, A. (2018, August 8). Does rudeness have a legitimate place in politics? The case for and against. The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/does-rudeness-have-a-legitimate-place-in-politics-the-case-for-and-against-99420.Google Scholar
Iyengar, S., Sood, G., & Lelkes, Y. (2012). Affect, not ideology a social identity perspective on polarization. Public Opinion Quarterly, 76(3), 405–431.Google Scholar
Iyengar, S., & Westwood, S. J. (2015). Fear and loathing across party lines: New evidence on group polarization. American Journal of Political Science, 59(3), 690–707.Google Scholar
Iyengar, S., Lelkes, Y., Levendusky, M., Malhotra, N., & Westwood, S. J. (2019). The origins and consequences of affective polarization in the United States. Annual Review of Political Science, 22(1), 129–146.Google Scholar
Ito, T. A., Larsen, J. T., Smith, N. K., & Cacioppo, J. T. (1998). Negative information weighs more heavily on the brain: The negativity bias in evaluative categorizations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75(4), 887.Google Scholar
John, O., Naumann, L., & Soto, C. (2008). Paradigm shift to the integrative Big Five Trait Taxonomy: History, measurement, and conceptual issues. In John, O. P., Robins, R. W., & Pervin, L. A. (Eds.), Handbook of personality: Theory and research (pp. 114–158). Guilford Press.Google Scholar
Johnston, R. (2006). PARTY IDENTIFICATION: Unmoved mover or sum of preferences? Annual Review of Political Science, 9(1), 329–351. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.062404.170523.Google Scholar
Johnston, R., Hagen, M. G., & Jamieson, K. H. (2004). The 2000 presidential election and the foundations of party politics. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511756207.Google Scholar
Jost, J. T., Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A. W., & Sulloway, F. J. (2003). Political conservatism as motivated social cognition. Psychological Bulletin, 129(3), 339–375. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.129.3.339.Google Scholar
Kiley, J., & Maniam, S. (2016, October 25). Lesbian, gay and bisexual voters remain a solidly Democratic bloc. Pew Research Center. www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/10/25/lesbian-gay-and-bisexual-voters-remain-a-solidly-democratic-bloc/.Google Scholar
Klar, S. (2014). Partisanship in a social setting. American Journal of Political Science, 58(3), 687–704.Google Scholar
Klar, S. (2018). When common identities decrease trust: An experimental study of Partisan women. American Journal of Political Science, 62(3), 610–622.Google Scholar
Klar, S., & Krupnikov, Y. (2016). Independent politics. Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Klar, S., Krupnikov, Y., & Ryan, J. B. (2018). Affective polarization or partisan disdain? Untangling a dislike for the opposing party from a dislike of partisanship. Public Opinion Quarterly, 82(2), 379–390Google Scholar
Kalmoe, N. P., & Mason, L. (2019, January). Lethal mass partisanship: Prevalence, correlates, and electoral contingencies. National Capital Area Political Science Association American Politics Meeting.Google Scholar
Klein, E. (2021). Why we’re polarized. Avid Reader Press.Google Scholar
Kludt, T. (2016, September 29). Harry Reid: “Trump is the GOP’s Frankenstein monster.” CNN. www.cnn.com/2016/09/29/politics/harry-reid-donald-trump-frankenstein-monster/index.html.Google Scholar
Kossowska, M., & Hiel, A. V. (2003). The relationship between need for closure and conservative beliefs in Western and Eastern Europe. Political Psychology, 24(3), 501–518.Google Scholar
Krastev, I., & Leonard, M. (2021, September 1). Europe’s invisible divides: How Covid-19 is polarising European politics. ECFR. https://ecfr.eu/publication/europes-invisible-divides-how-covid-19-is-polarising-european-politics/.Google Scholar
Kruglanski, A. W. (2004). The psychology of closed mindedness. Psychology Press.Google Scholar
Kruglanski, A. W., Chen, X., Pierro, A., Mannetti, L., Erb, H.-P., & Spiegel, S. (2006). Persuasion according to the Unimodel: Implications for cancer communication. Journal of Communication, 56(S1), S105–122. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00285.x.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kruglanski, A. W., & Orehek, E. (2012). The need for certainty as a psychological nexus for individuals and society. In Hogg, M. A. and Blaylock, D. L. (Eds.), Extremism and the psychology of uncertainty (pp. 3–18). Wiley-Blackwell.Google Scholar
Kruglanski, A. W., & Webster, D. M. (1996). Motivated closing of the mind: “Seizing” and “freezing.” Psychological Review, 103(2), 263–283. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.103.2.263.Google Scholar
Krupnikov, Y., & Ryan, J. B. (2022). The other divide: Polarization and disengagement in American politics. Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Krupnikov, Y., & Piston, S. (2015). Racial prejudice, partisanship, and White turnout in elections with Black candidates. Political Behavior, 37(2), 397–418.Google Scholar
Kteily, N., Bruneau, E., Waytz, A., & Cotterill, S. (2015). The ascent of man: Theoretical and empirical evidence for blatant dehumanization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 109(5), 901.Google Scholar
Liu, J. H., Huang, L.-L., & McFedries, C. (2008). Cross-sectional and longitudinal differences in social dominance orientation and Right Wing authoritarianism as a function of political power and societal change. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 11(2), 116–126. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-839X.2008.00249.x.Google Scholar
Lau, R. R., & Redlawsk, D. P. (2001). Advantages and disadvantages of cognitive heuristics in political decision making. American Journal of Political Science, 45(4), 951. https://doi.org/10.2307/2669334.Google Scholar
Lavine, H. G., Johnston, C. D., & Steenbergen, M. R. (2012). The ambivalent partisan: How critical loyalty promotes democracy. Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Layman, G. C. (1997). Religion and political behavior in the United States: The impact of beliefs, affiliations, and commitment from 1980 to 1994. Public Opinion Quarterly, 288–316.Google Scholar
Layman, G. C. (2001). The great divide: Religious and cultural conflict in American party politics. Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Layman, G. C., & Carsey, T. M. (2002). Party polarization and “conflict extension” in the American electorate. American Journal of Political Science, 46(4), 786–802. https://doi.org/10.2307/3088434.Google Scholar
Lebo, M. J., & Cassino, D. (2007) The aggregated consequences of motivated reasoning and the dynamics of partisan presidential approval. Political Psychology, 28(6), 719–746. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2007.00601.x.Google Scholar
Lelkes, Y., & Westwood, S. J. (2017). The limits of partisan prejudice. The Journal of Politics, 79(2), 485–501. https://doi.org/10.1086/688223.Google Scholar
Lerner, J. S., & Tiedens, L. Z. (2006). Portrait of the angry decision maker: How appraisal tendencies shape anger’s influence on cognition. Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, 19(2), 115–137. https://doi.org/10.1002/bdm.515.Google Scholar
Levitin, T. E., & Miller, W. E. (1979). Ideological interpretations of presidential elections. American Political Science Review, 73(3), 751–771. https://doi.org/10.2307/1955402.Google Scholar
Levendusky, M. S. (2018). Americans, not partisans: Can priming American national identity reduce affective polarization? The Journal of Politics, 80(1), 59–70.Google Scholar
Lewis-Beck, M., Norpoth, H., Jacoby, W., & Weisberg, H. (2008). The American voter revisited. University of Michigan Press. https://doi.org/10.3998/mpub.92266.Google Scholar
Lupia, A. (2016). Uninformed: Why people know so little about politics and what we can do about it. Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Lupu, N. (2015). Party polarization and mass partisanship: A comparative perspective. Political Behavior, 37(2), 331–356.Google Scholar
Lupu, N., & Stokes, S. (2010). Democracy, interrupted: Regime change and partisanship in twentieth-century Argentina. Electoral Studies, 29(1), 91–104.Google Scholar
Luhtanen, R., & Crocker, J. (1992). A collective self-esteem scale: Self-evaluation of one’s social identity. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 18(3), 302–318.Google Scholar
Luttig, M. D. (2017). Authoritarianism and affective polarization: A new view on the origins of partisan extremism. Public Opinion Quarterly, 81(4), 866–895. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfx023.Google Scholar
Luttig, M. D. (2018). The “prejudiced personality” and the origins of partisan strength, affective polarization, and partisan sorting. Political Psychology, 39(S1), 239–256. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12484.Google Scholar
Luttig, M. D. (2021). Reconsidering the relationship between authoritarianism and republican support in 2016 and beyond. The Journal of Politics, 83(2), 783–787.Google Scholar
MacKuen, M. B., Erikson, R. S., & Stimson, J. A. (1989). Macropartisanship. The American Political Science Review, 83(4), 1125–1142. https://doi.org/10.2307/1961661.Google Scholar
McClosky, H. (1958). Conservatism and personality. American Political Science Review, 52(1), 27–45.Google Scholar
McCourt, K., Bouchard, T. J., Lykken, D. T., Tellegen, A., & Keyes, M. (1999). Authoritarianism revisited: Genetic and environmental influences examined in twins reared apart and together. Personality and Individual Differences, 27(5), 985–1014.Google Scholar
Mael, F. A., & Tetrick, L. E. (1992). Identifying organizational identification. Educational and Psychological Measurement, 52(4), 813–824. https://doi.org/10.1177/0013164492052004002.Google Scholar
Maggiotto, M. A., & Piereson, J. E. (1977). Partisan identification and electoral choice: The hostility hypothesis. American Journal of Political Science, 745–767.Google Scholar
Mangum, M. (2013). The racial underpinnings of party identification and political ideology. Social Science Quarterly, 94(5), 1222–1244.Google Scholar
Malhotra, N., & Kuo, A. G. (2008). Attributing blame: The public’s response to Hurricane Katrina. The Journal of Politics, 70(1), 120–135. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022381607080097.Google Scholar
Malka, A., & Lelkes, Y. (2010). More than ideology: Conservative–Liberal identity and receptivity to political cues. Social Justice Research, 23(2–3), 156–188. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11211-010-0114-3.Google Scholar
Marcus, G. E., Russell Neuman, W., & MacKuen, M. (2000). Affective intelligence and political judgment. University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Martherus, J. L., Martinez, A. G., Piff, P. K., & Theodoridis, A. G. (2021). Party animals? Extreme partisan polarization and dehumanization. Political Behavior, 43(2), 517–540. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-019-09559-4.Google Scholar
Mason, L. H. (2013). The polarizing effects of partisan sorting. SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 2303254. Social Science Research Network. https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=2303254.Google Scholar
Mason, L. H. (2015). “I disrespectfully Agree”: The differential effects of partisan sorting on social and issue polarization. American Journal of Political Science, 59(1), 128–145. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12089.Google Scholar
Mason, L. H. (2016). A cross-cutting calm: How social sorting drives affective polarization. Public Opinion Quarterly, 80(S1), 351–377. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfw001.Google Scholar
Mason, L. H. (2018). Uncivil agreement: How politics became our identity. University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Mason, L. H., & Wronski, J. (2018). One tribe to bind them all: How our social group attachments strengthen partisanship. Political Psychology, 39, 257–277.Google Scholar
Mason, L., Wronski, J., & Kane, J. V. (2021). Activating animus: The uniquely social roots of Trump support. American Political Science Review, 1–9.Google Scholar
Mattes, R., & Kroenke, M. (2020). The consequences of partisanship in Africa. In Oscarsson, H. & Holmberg, S. (Eds.), Research handbook on political partisanship (pp. 368–380). Edward Elger. https://www.e-elgar.com/shop/gbp/research-handbook-on-political-partisanship-9781788111980.html.Google Scholar
McCann, J. A. (1997). Electoral choices and core value change: The 1992 presidential campaign. American Journal of Political Science, 41(2), 564–583. https://doi.org/10.2307/2111777.Google Scholar
McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. T. Jr. (2008). The five-factor theory of personality. In Handbook of Personality: Theory and Research (3rd edition) (pp. 159–181). The Guilford Press.Google Scholar
McGregor, M. R., Caruana, N. J., & Stephenson, L. B. (2015). Negative partisanship in a multi-party system: The case of Canada. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, 25(3), 300–316.Google Scholar
Medeiros, M., & Noël, A. (2014). The forgotten side of partisanship: Negative party identification in four Anglo-American democracies. Comparative Political Studies, 47(7), 1022–1046.Google Scholar
Meffert, M. F., Gschwend, T., & Schütze, N. (2009). Coalition preferences in multiparty systems. Mannheim.Google Scholar
Meléndez, C., & Kaltwasser, C. R. (2021). Negative partisanship towards the populist radical right and democratic resilience in Western Europe. Democratization, 28(5), 949–969.Google Scholar
Miller, P. R., & Conover, P. J. (2015). Red and blue states of mind: Partisan hostility and voting in the United States. Political Research Quarterly, 68(2), 225–239.Google Scholar
Mondak, J. J. (2010). Personality and the foundations of political behavior. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511761515.Google Scholar
Mondak, J. J., & Halperin, K. D. (2008). A framework for the study of personality and political behaviour. British Journal of Political Science, 38(2), 335–362. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123408000173.Google Scholar
Mosier, S. L., & Rimal, A. P. (2020). Where’s the meat? An evaluation of diet and partisanship identification. British Food Journal, 122(3), 896–909. https://doi.org/10.1108/BFJ-03-2019-0193.Google Scholar
Mudde, C., & Rovira Kaltwasser, C. (2018). Studying populism in comparative perspective: Reflections on the contemporary and future research agenda. Comparative Political Studies, 51(13), 1667–1693.Google Scholar
Mummolo, J., Peterson, E., & Westwood, S. (2021). The limits of partisan loyalty. Political Behavior, 43(3), 949–972. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109–019-09576-3.Google Scholar
Nan, J. (2022, January 17). How do we avoid threats and harassment towards politicians? Erasmus University Rotterdam. www.eur.nl/en/news/how-do-we-avoid-threats-and-harassment-towards-politicians.Google Scholar
Nicholson, S. P. (2011). Dominating cues and the limits of elite influence. The Journal of Politics, 73(4), 1165–1177.Google Scholar
Nicholson, S. P. (2012). Polarizing cues. American Journal of Political Science, 56(1), 52–66. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00541.x.Google Scholar
Norris, P., & Inglehart, R. (2019). Cultural backlash: Trump, Brexit, and authoritarian populism. Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Mudde, C., & Rovira Kaltwasser, C. (2018). Studying populism in comparative perspective: Reflections on the contemporary and future research agenda. Comparative Political Studies, 51(13), 1667–1693.Google Scholar
Oscarsson, H., Bergman, T., Bergström, Annika, & Hellström, J. (2021). SNS DEMOCRACY COUNCIL REPORT 2021: Polarization in Sweden. SNS Democracy Council. https://snsse.cdn.triggerfish.cloud/uploads/2021/03/sns-democracy-council-report-2021-polarization-in-sweden-english-summary.pdf.Google Scholar
Oshri, O., Yair, O., & Huddy, L. (2021). The importance of attachment to an ideological group in multi-party systems: Evidence from Israel. Party Politics (September), https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688211044475.Google Scholar
Panagopoulos, C., Green, D. P., Krasno, J., Schwam-Baird, M., & Endres, K. (2020). Partisan consumerism: Experimental tests of consumer reactions to corporate political activity. The Journal of Politics, 82(3), 996–1007.Google Scholar
Parker, P., & Wright, R. (2021, October 15). Fatal attack intensifies concerns about the safety of MPs. Financial Times. www.ft.com/content/b9dae520-1713-4cc0-b205-3a5f46847f2a.Google Scholar
Pelling, L. (2022, July 19). Paving the way for radicalised violence. IPS. www.ips-journal.eu/topics/democracy-and-society/paving-the-way-for-radicalised-violence-6075/.Google Scholar
Perry, R., & Sibley, C. G. (2013). A dual-process motivational model of social and economic policy attitudes: Dual process model of political attitudes. Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, 13(1), 262–285. https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12019.Google Scholar
Peterson, E. (2019). The scope of partisan influence on policy opinion. Political Psychology, 40(2), 335–353. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12495.Google Scholar
Pettigrew, T. F., Tropp, L. R., Wagner, U., & Christ, O. (2011). Recent advances in intergroup contact theory. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 35(3), 271–280.Google Scholar
Pew Research Center. (2019, March 4). Political independents: Who they are, what they think. www.pewresearch.org/politics/2019/03/14/political-independents-who-they-are-what-they-think/.Google Scholar
Pickup, M., Stecula, D., & Van Der Linden, C. (2020). Novel coronavirus, old partisanship: COVID-19 attitudes and behaviours in the United States and Canada. Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique, 53(2), 357–364Google Scholar
Public Agenda. (2021, December 8). America’s hidden common ground: Putting partisan animosity in perspective. www.publicagenda.org/reports/partisan-animosity/.Google Scholar
Pratto, F., Sidanius, J., Stallworth, L. M., & Malle, B. F. (1994). Social dominance orientation: A personality variable predicting social and political attitudes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67(4), 741–763. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.67.4.741.Google Scholar
Reicher, S. and Hopkins, N. (2003). On the Science of the Art of Leadership. In van Knippenberg, D. & Hogg, M. A., (Eds.), Leadership and power: Identity processes in groups and organizations (p. 197). Sage.Google Scholar
Reiljan, A. and Ryan, A. (2021). Ideological tripolarization, partisan tribalism and institutional trust: The foundations of affective polarization in the Swedish multiparty system. Scandinavian Political Studies, 44(2), 195–219.Google Scholar
Reilly, K. (2016, September 10). Read Hillary Clinton’s “basket of deplorables” remarks about Donald Trump supporters. Time. https://time.com/4486502/hillary-clinton-basket-of-deplorables-transcript/.Google Scholar
Rico, G., Guinjoan, M., & Anduiza, E. (2017). The emotional underpinnings of populism: How anger and fear affect populist attitudes. Swiss Political Science Review, 23(4), 444–461.Google Scholar
Roberts, B. W., & Mroczek, D. (2008). Personality trait change in adulthood. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 17(1), 31–35.Google Scholar
Roccas, S., & Brewer, M. B. (2002). Social identity complexity. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 6(2), 88–106.Google Scholar
Rogowski, J. C., & Sutherland, J. L. (2016). How ideology fuels affective polarization. Political Behavior, 38(2), 485–508.Google Scholar
Rose, R., & Mishler, W. (1998). Negative and positive party identification in post-communist countries. Electoral Studies, 17(2), 217–234.Google Scholar
Rydell, R. J., Mackie, D. M. , Maitner, A. T., Claypool, H. M., Ryan, M. J., & Smith, E. R. (2008). Arousal, processing, and risk taking: Consequences of intergroup anger. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1141–1152. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208319694.Google Scholar
Samuels, D. J., & Zucco, C. (2018). Partisans, antipartisans, and nonpartisans: Voting behavior in Brazil. Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Sanders, L., Smith, M., & Ballard, J. (2021, November 9). Most voters say the events at the US Capitol are a threat to democracy. YouGovAmerica. https://today.yougov.com/topics/politics/articles-reports/2021/01/06/US-capitol-trump-poll.Google Scholar
Santoro, E. and Broockman, D. E. (2022). The promise and pitfalls of cross-partisan conversations for reducing affective polarization: Evidence from randomized experiments. Science Advances, 8(25), eabn5515.Google Scholar
Satherley, N., Sibley, C. G., & Osborne, D. (2021). Ideology before party: Social dominance orientation and right-wing authoritarianism temporally precede political party support. British Journal of Social Psychology, 60(2), 509–523. https://doi.org/10.1111/bjso.12414.Google Scholar
Schattschneider, E. E. (1960). The semisovereign people: A realist’s view of democracy in America. Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Google Scholar
Schumacher, S. (2019, October 28). Brexit divides the UK, but partisanship and ideology are still key factors. Pew Research Center (blog). www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/10/28/brexit-divides-the-uk-but-partisanship-and-ideology-are-still-key-factors/.Google Scholar
Shafranek, R. M. (2021). Political considerations in nonpolitical decisions: A conjoint analysis of roommate choice. Political Behavior, 43(1), 271–300.Google Scholar
Sibley, C. G., Robertson, A., & Wilson, M. S. (2006). Social dominance orientation and right-wing authoritarianism: Additive and interactive effects. Political Psychology, 27(5), 755–768. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2006.00531.xGoogle Scholar
Silva, B. C. (2018). Populist radical right parties and mass polarization in the Netherlands. European Political Science Review, 10(2), 219–244.Google Scholar
Slothuus, R., & Bisgaard, M. (2021). How political parties shape public opinion in the real world. American Journal of Political Science, 65(4), 896–911. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12550.Google Scholar
Slothuus, R., & de Vreese, C. H. (2010). Political parties, motivated reasoning, and issue framing effects. The Journal of Politics, 72(3), 630–645. https://doi.org/10.1017/s002238161000006x.Google Scholar
Southern Poverty Law Center. (2022, June 1). SPLC poll finds substantial support for “great replacement” theory and other hard-Right ideas. www.splcenter.org/news/2022/06/01/poll-finds-support-great-replacement-hard-right-ideas.Google Scholar
Stenner, K. (2005). The authoritarian dynamic. Cambridge Studies in Public Opinion and Political Psychology. Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Tajfel, H. (1970). Experiments in Intergroup Discrimination. Scientific American, 223(5), 96–102. https://doi.org/10.1038/scientificamerican1170-96.Google Scholar
Tajfel, H. (1978). Differentiation between social groups: Studies in the social psychology of intergroup relations. Academic Press.Google Scholar
Tajfel, H. (1981). Human groups and social categories. Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Tajfel, H., Billig, M. G., Bundy, R. P., & Flament, C. (1971). Social categorization and intergroup behaviour. European Journal of Social Psychology, 1(2), 149–178.Google Scholar
Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of inter-group conflict. In Austin, W. G. & Worchel, S. (Eds.), The social psychology of inter-group relations (pp. 33–47). Brooks/Cole.Google Scholar
Tajfel, H. and Turner, J. C. (2004). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In Jost, J. T. & Sidanius, J. (Eds.), Political psychology: Key readings (pp. 276–293). Psychology Press.Google Scholar
Tajfel, H., and Wilkes, A. L. (1963). Classification and quantitative judgement. British Journal of Psychology, 54(2), 101–114.Google Scholar
Turner, J. C., Hogg, M. A., Oakes, P. J., Reicher, S. D., & Wetherell, M. S. (1987). Rediscovering the social Group: A self-categorization theory. Basil Blackwell.Google Scholar
The Conversation. (2016, January 25). Direct democracy may be key to a happier American democracy. US News & World Report. www.usnews.com/news/articles/2016-01-25/direct-democracy-may-be-key-to-a-happier-american-democracy.Google Scholar
Tomz, M., & Van Houweling, R. P. (2009). The electoral implications of candidate ambiguity. American Political Science Review, 103(1), 83–98. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055409090066.Google Scholar
Tondo, L., & Giuffrida, A. (2018, August 3). Warning of “dangerous Acceleration” in attacks on immigrants in Italy. The Guardian. www.theguardian.com/global/2018/aug/03/warning-of-dangerous-acceleration-in-attacks-on-immigrants-in-italy.Google Scholar
Tsatsanis, E., Teperoglou, E., & Seriatos, A. (2020). Two-partyism reloaded: Polarisation, negative partisanship, and the return of the left-right divide in the Greek elections of 2019. South European Society and Politics, 25(3/4), 503–532.Google Scholar
Valentino, N. A., Brader, T., Groenendyk, E. W., Gregorowicz, K., & Hutchings, V. L. (2011). Election night’s alright for fighting: The role of emotions in political participation. The Journal of Politics, 73(1), 156–170. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022381610000939.Google Scholar
Van Assche, J., Dhont, K., & Pettigrew, T. F. (2019). The social-psychological bases of far-right support in Europe and the United States. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 29(5), 385–401. https://doi.org/10.1002/casp.2407.Google Scholar
Verba, S., Schlozman, K., & Brady, H. (1995). Voice and equality: Civic voluntarism in American democracy. Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Wattenberg, M. P., & Brians, C. L. (2002). Partisan turnout bias in midterm legislative elections. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 27(3), 407–421. https://doi.org/10.2307/3598570.Google Scholar
Webster, S. W. (2018). It’s personal: The big five personality traits and negative partisan affect in polarized US politics. American Behavioral Scientist, 62(1), 127–145.Google Scholar
Weisberg, H. F. (1980). A multidimensional conceptualization of party identification. Political Behavior, 2(1), 33–60.Google Scholar
Westwood, S. J., Iyengar, S., Walgrave, S., Leonisio, R., Miller, L., & Strijbis, O. (2018). The tie that divides: Cross‐national evidence of the primacy of partyism. European Journal of Political Research, 57(2), 333–354.Google Scholar
Wilson, M. S., & Sibley, C. G. (2013). Social dominance orientation and right‐wing authoritarianism: Additive and interactive effects on political conservatism. Political Psychology, 34(2), 277–284. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00929.x.Google Scholar
Winter, N., & Berinsky, A. J. (1999). What’s your temperature? Thermometer ratings and political analysis. Annual meeting of the American Political Science Association.Google Scholar
Wronski, J., Bankert, A., Amira, K., Johnson, A. A., & Levitan, L. C. (2018). A tale of two Democrats: How authoritarianism divides the Democratic party. The Journal of Politics, 80(4), 1384–1388.Google Scholar
Zaller, J. (2004). Floating voters in US presidential elections, 1948–2000. In Studies in Public Opinion: Attitudes, Non Attitudes, Measurement Error, and Change (pp. 166–215). Princeton University Press. https://doi.org/10.1515/9780691188386-008.Google Scholar
Zhong, C. B., Galinsky, A. D., & Unzueta, M. M. (2008). Negational racial identity and presidential voting preferences. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 44(6), 1563–1566.Google Scholar
Zhong, C. B., Phillips, K. W., Leonardelli, G. J., & Galinsky, A. D. (2008). Negational categorization and intergroup behavior. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(6), 793–806.Google Scholar
Zomeren, M. v., Postmes, T., & Spears, R. (2008). Toward an integrative social identity model of collective action: A quantitative research synthesis of three socio-psychological perspectives. Psychological Bulletin, 34(4), 504–535. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.134.4.504.Google Scholar
Zomeren, M. v., Spears, R., & Leach, C. W. (2008) Exploring psychological mechanisms of collective action: Does relevance of group identity influence how people cope with collective disadvantage? The British Journal of Social Psychology, 47(Pt 2), 353–372. https://doi.org/10.1348/014466607X231091Google Scholar

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure [email protected] is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

  • References
  • Alexa Bankert, University of Georgia
  • Book: When Politics Becomes Personal
  • Online publication: 04 January 2024
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009052290.013
Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

  • References
  • Alexa Bankert, University of Georgia
  • Book: When Politics Becomes Personal
  • Online publication: 04 January 2024
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009052290.013
Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

  • References
  • Alexa Bankert, University of Georgia
  • Book: When Politics Becomes Personal
  • Online publication: 04 January 2024
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009052290.013
Available formats
×