Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Abbreviations
- List of Illustrations
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Politics and the Military, 1790–1832
- 3 Radicalism and the Military, 1790–1860
- 4 Protest and Subversion, 1790–1850
- 5 Military Radicals, 1790–1850
- 6 Overseas Military Adventurers, 1770–1861
- 7 Loyalism, Nationalism and the Army, 1790–1860
- 8 Popular Imperialism, Democracy, Conservatism and Socialism, 1850–1900
- 9 Conclusion
- Bibliography
- Index
9 - Conclusion
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Abbreviations
- List of Illustrations
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Politics and the Military, 1790–1832
- 3 Radicalism and the Military, 1790–1860
- 4 Protest and Subversion, 1790–1850
- 5 Military Radicals, 1790–1850
- 6 Overseas Military Adventurers, 1770–1861
- 7 Loyalism, Nationalism and the Army, 1790–1860
- 8 Popular Imperialism, Democracy, Conservatism and Socialism, 1850–1900
- 9 Conclusion
- Bibliography
- Index
Summary
Class dominated the functioning of the British army in the nineteenth century. By 1900, the officer corps was more aristocratic than it had been when the army emerged from the French Wars 80 years earlier, and this affected its politics. As we have seen in Chapter 2, the number of Tory and Whig officers in 1800 was roughly equal. However, the century saw a clear trend in army officers becoming more conservative in their politics.
Rank-and-file soldiers continued to display overwhelmingly working-class attitudes throughout the century. Many of them were political radicals who continued in these views in civilian life. It can be claimed that many were bound to be radical, given the huge size of the army in the French Wars. But this fact does not account for the continuing presence of radicalism among soldiers throughout the century. It also fails to explain why some officers continued to choose radical politics, in spite of the increasing trend towards Conservatism in their profession. As discussed in Chapter 3, Cookson’s concept of ‘a soldiers’ republic’ was also prevalent. This showed an awareness of class, linked with a keen interest in enforcing a fair deal for rankers via collective informal contracts. At the same time, this radical outlook was combined with a general reluctance among soldiers to take political action whilst still serving in the ranks. As discussed in Chapter 4, protest and even armed conflict sometimes broke out in the early nineteenth century. This sometimes resulted in soldiers and ex-soldiers facing each other across the barricade. However, there was no serious danger of mass subversion of soldiers or large-scale political violence. Those in the ranks invariably obeyed their officers and did their duty.
Building on the work of Hurl-Eamon and Rumsby, this study rejects the notion that soldiers’ interests were confined within their barrack walls, that they were a separate, drunken, hard-bitten caste of ruffians officered by gentlemen. Instead, it argues that many soldiers were interested in outside affairs. It shows that their concerns transcended traditional regimental loyalties to encompass ambitions for their families, careers and life after soldiering, including political aspirations in some cases.
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- Soldiers as CitizensPopular Politics and the Nineteenth-Century British Military, pp. 203 - 209Publisher: Liverpool University PressPrint publication year: 2019