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Consistent with a hybrid model of women’s participation in a revolution, this chapter uncovers a wide range of motivations for women’s engagement in civil resistance, including dissatisfaction with the quality of governance, motherhood, civic duty, professional service, and solidarity with protesters. Specifically, empirical evidence suggests that outrage over police violence and the government’s disregard of human dignity can serve as a catalyst for mass mobilization. This chapter also highlights various mobilizing structures that galvanized women into action, including friendship networks, professional associations, social media, and civic organizations. Moreover, the book contributes to the literature about the impact of biographical availability on protest participation by demonstrating how women might come up with creative solutions to overcome barriers to protest engagement. For example, many women tried to combine their childcare duties with involvement in the revolution by virtue of social media. The empirical findings presented in this chapter speak to a key debate in contentious politics literature on determinants of protest participation.
We present a theoretical explanation for why migrant workers in China should be less likely to participate in protests than other categories of workers. While grievance-based theories of protest would suggest that migrant workers have more incentive to protest than other categories of workers, resource mobilization theory suggests that their capacity to mobilize for collective action is impeded by the conditions of their work situation and their residence. Using survey data from CGSS 2010, we test propositions derived from this framework. We find that a greater sense of relative deprivation is associated with a greater likelihood of participating in protest across all categories of workers. However, we also find that migrant worker status functions as a moderator between grievances and protest participation: compared to urban registered workers, migrant workers are significantly less likely to take part in protest activities when both of them have high levels of perceived unfairness. These findings are robust across all models.
We present a theory on how trust in the central government to remedy grievances combined with a lack of trust in local government to act motivates people to participate in local protests in China. Low trust in local government combined with high trust in the central government gives people expectation that protest will not be an exercise in futility. People protest to redress injustices when they believe that such protests have a chance of producing a favorable resolution of their grievances. Utilizing individual level data from the Asian Barometer Survey Wave 4, our analysis suggests that, in contemporary China, people who have greater trust in the central government than the local government are more likely than others to report having participated in protests. In a society without meaningful elections, participating in protest is an effective strategy for attracting the attention from the upper-level authorities in hope of redressing unfavorable situations.
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