Chapter Four analyzes the exponential development of contemporary experiments in sortition. Their advocates base their arguments on the concept of the representative sample, which links the use of chance with descriptive representation. They combine selection by lot and deliberation, stressing justifications such as impartiality, democratic equality, and epistemic democracy. Two waves of experiments are described in turn. The first has focused on deliberative minipublics such as citizens’ juries, consensus conferences, and deliberative polls. They were consultative, top-down, highly controlled by their inventors, and mere complements to representative democracy. The second wave has seen a flourishing of democratic innovation. Empowered minipublics have been combined with participatory or direct democracy, most visibly with citizens’ assemblies. They have begun to be institutionalized. Sortition has also been used in party politics. The politicization of some experiments and the interaction with social movements offers an alternative to the mainstream model, which praises the impartiality and neutrality of minipublics. Three rationales have supported random selection in politics throughout history: Gaining knowledge of a religious or supernatural sign, ensuring impartiality and promoting equality. The chapter concludes with three contrasted contemporary political imaginaries that advocate sortition in the present: Deliberative, antipolitical, and radical democracy.

Chapter 9 proposes concrete measures to promote role-based constitutional fellowship. First, the chapter acknowledges that bounded solidarity can support fellowship. Accordingly, the chapter identifies ways of imagining the nation to ensure that that solidarity is inclusive, and urges liberal democrats to promote inclusion cautiously. Second, the chapter discusses trust among political actors. The chapter acknowledges that some institutional arrangements – namely Westminster systems – seem relatively effective at channelling competition and alleviating the need for fellowship. Most democratic systems, however, are non-Westminster systems. Accordingly, the chapter suggests reforms that can make it easier for political competitors to act like fellows. Third, the chapter discusses trust among citizens at large. In addition to certain democratic education arrangements, the chapter argues that the integrated workplace and less-voluntary associations are more promising than voluntary civil societal associations as forums to promote trust. Fourth, the chapter demonstrates the need for some material redistribution to ensure that citizens feel that they are all in it together.