The activities of oil multinational corporations (MNCs) in Nigeria, especially in the oil and gas sector, have come under focus in recent years. The BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico in the USA highlighted the negative or unintended consequences of the activities of MNCs. Also, oil MNCs in Nigeria have been at the centre of scandals about poor labour standards, environmental degradation and human rights violations amongst others. Furthermore, the extant state-oriented or command and control regulatory regime has been ineffective. Thus, self-regulation by oil MNCs has risen to help counter these negative consequences. This article contends that the self-regulatory regime is ineffective and advocates for reforms to remedy it.

Nigeria is an oil rich country, endowed with both conventional and renewable energy sources. Electricity generation in Nigeria is dominated by oil and gas. The use of renewable energy in the power sector has not been promoted, despite Nigeria's abundant renewable energy potential. Using the law to integrate renewable energy into the Nigerian power sector will promote energy security and access, a clean environment and economic development. This article argues that the benefits of renewable energy outweigh its negative environmental and social impacts, also when compared to oil and gas. It posits that creating a law for the promotion of renewable energy in the power sector will enhance the benefits of renewable energy. Therefore, there should be affirmative law to support renewable energy and provide for a framework for ensuring that other laws do not constitute barriers to the deployment of renewable energy in the power sector.

This article contextualizes the debate about the implications of the investment treaty regime for regulatory autonomy. It points out that, to understand why the investment treaty regime limits sovereign powers and to be able to reconstruct a regime to make it responsive to the needs of both foreign investors and host countries, it is necessary to revisit the history of investment protection by treaty and assess the terms of investment treaties in relation to that history. The article argues that investment protection by treaty was primarily aimed at protecting the private business interests of investors from the developed world who invested abroad. This overarching historical objective influenced the terms of investment treaties. This is manifested in the terms of classical investment treaties which provide for absolute rights for foreign investors. The article calls for the reconstruction of investment treaties to make room for public interest regulation.

This article describes the politics related to the criminalization of torture in South Africa. It studies the differences between torture as an international crime and as a crime under international human rights law. The South African anti-torture law is analysed and critiqued against the standards and provisions set out in the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. The article recommends amendments to the South African law, aimed at making the combating of torture more effective.

This article is constructed around the premise that women's rights to safe abortion give rise to obligations that the state has a positive duty to implement. Using Uganda as a case study, it frames failure by a state to implement its abortion laws in ways that render the rights tangible and accessible to women as a violation of human rights. The article develops a normative human rights framework for imposing on a state the obligation to take positive steps to implement abortion laws that the state, itself, has adopted. The framework does not depend on requiring the state first to reform its substantive laws or broaden the grounds for abortion. Rather, it focuses on the implementation of existing domestic laws. The article draws its remedial juridical responses partly from conceptions of women-centred rights to procedural justice, equality and health, and partly from jurisprudence developed in recent years by United Nations treaty-monitoring bodies and the European Court of Human Rights.

This article critically examines the customary laws of inheritance in the communities of southern Nigeria. It argues that the rules are skewed against female beneficiaries, both wives and children. It also argues that courts faced with such customs should subject them to the repugnancy test contained in the Evidence Act 2004, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 and other international conventions to which Nigeria is party, as do the courts in Ghana, South Africa and Botswana.

In the South African case of Mayelane v Ngwenyama, the Constitutional Court held that the consent of the first wife in a polygamous marriage is a requirement for a subsequent marriage of her husband to be valid, even though the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act is silent on the issue. This article argues that this decision reinforces the equality of spouses in a polygamous marriage and customary marriages in general, as envisaged by the act and as the constitution demands. It also criticizes the legislature's failure to give guidance regarding the absence of consequences for failure to comply with the requirement for a husband to seek the court's approval of a contract to regulate future marriages before he marries a subsequent wife. The article suggests that the legislature should revisit the Recognition Act to repeal the provision or stipulate consequences for the failure to comply.