Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 June 2011
Evidence is accumulating that, in the modern international system, democracies rarely fight each other. But the reasons for the phenomenon are not well understood. This article explores a similar phenomenon in other societies, using cross-cultural ethnographic evidence. It finds that polities organized according to more participatory (“democratic”) principles fight each other less often than do polities organized according to hierarchical principles. Stable participatory institutions seem to promote peaceful relations, especially if people perceive that others also have some control over politics.
1 Documented worldwide as of 1988 by Gastil, Raymond, Freedom in the World: Political Rights and Civil Liberties, 1988–1989 (New York: Freedom House, 1989)Google Scholar, and traced back to the eighteenth century by Modelski, George, Is America's Decline Inevitable? (Wassenaar: Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study, 1988)Google Scholar. See also Starr, Harvey, “Democratic Dominoes: Diffusion Approaches to the Spread of Democracy',” journal of Conflict Resolution 35 (June 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 The literature on this topic is now very substantial. The first empirical reports were Dean Babst, “A Force for Peace,” Industrial Research (April 1972); Wallensteen, Peter, Structure and War: On International Relations, 1820–1968 (Stockholm: Raben & Sjogren, 1973)Google Scholar; and Small, Melvin and Singer, J. David, “The War-Proneness of Democratic Regimes,” Jerusalem Journal of International Relations 1, no. 1 (1976)Google Scholar. Early theoretical contributions, recent empirical reports, and reviews include Rummel, R. J., Understanding Conflict and War, vols. 2, 4, 5 (Los Angeles, Calif.: Sage, 1976, 1979, 1981)Google Scholar; idem, “Libertarianism and International Violence,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 27 (March 1983)Google Scholar; Russett, Bruce and Starr, Harvey, World Politics: The Menu for Choice (New York: W. H. Freeman, 1981), chap. 15Google Scholar; Doyle, Michael, “Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs,” Parts 1 and 2, Philosophy and Public Affairs, 12, nos. 3—4 (1983)Google Scholar; idem, “Liberalism and World Politics,” American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (1986)Google Scholar; Maoz, Zeev and Abdolali, Nasrin, “Regime Types and International Conflict,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 33 (March 1989)Google Scholar; Russett, Bruce, Controlling the Sword: The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990), chap. 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a general argument on the necessity for explaining war at the dyadic level, see Most, Benjamin and Starr, Harvey, Inquiry, Logic, and International Politics (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1989)Google Scholar.
3 Spencer Weart, Why Don't Democracies Fight One Another? (forthcoming), suggests that certain types of oligarchies have rarely fought each other in various historical eras, but Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett and Stuart A. Bremer find no evidence for this in the modern world. See Maoz, and Russett, , “Alliances, Distance, Wealth, and Political Stability: Is the Lack of Conflict among Democracies a Statistical Artifact?” International Interactions 17, no. 3 (1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Bremer, , “Dangerous Dyads: Conditions Affecting the Likelihood of Interstate War, 1816–1965,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 36 (June 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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5 Weede, Erich, “Extended Deterrence by Superpower Alliance,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 27 (June 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. But Randolph Siverson and Juliann Emmons show that since 1920 democracies have been more likely to ally with one another because they were democratic. See Siverson, and Emmons, , “Birds of a Feather: Democratic Political Systems and Alliance Choices,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 35 (June 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Mesquita, Bruce Bueno de, The War Trap (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981)Google Scholar, and Maoz and Russett (fn. 3) show that in the modern world allies are actually more likely to fight each other than to fight nonallies.
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9 Most recently Bremer (fn. 3); Maoz and Russett (fn. 3); and Maoz and Abdolali (fn. 2).
10 Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and David Lalman present this institutional hypothesis and some confirming evidence; see Mesquita, Bueno de and Lalman, , War and Reason (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992)Google Scholar, chap. 5. The basic hypothesis goes back at least to Quincy Wright, 4 Study of War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942), 842–45Google Scholar. Harvey Starr develops the insight that democracy can serve as an indicator of dovishness; see Starr, , “Democracy and War: Choice, Learning, and Security Communities,” Journal of Peace Research 29 (1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. David Lake contends that democracies with wide franchises are inherently less imperialistic than are more autocratic states, and while they may fight to resist autarchies, the conjunction of two democracies with low imperialist drive makes them less likely to fight each other. See Lake, , “Powerful Pacifists: Democratic States and War,” American Political Science Review 86, no. 1 (1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. T. Clifton Morgan and Valerie Schwebach construct a measure of institutional constraints by which a few democracies are not highly constrained and some nondemocracies are. This allows a preliminary test of institutional versus perceptual constraints if one assumes the latter are found in all democracies and only in democracies. Collinearity between the two variables, however, makes their results inconclusive. See Morgan, and Schwebach, , “Take Two Democracies and Call Me in the Morning: A Prescription for Peace?” International Interactions 17, no. 3 (1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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17 When it comes to external war, however, we could not make that assumption. The units that fight each other in external warfare are by definition from different cultures, and we cannot assume that the “enemy” has the same degree of political participation.
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25 Unpublished data by Melvin Ember show that few of these societies have full-time public officials.
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27 Murdock (fn. 14). Coding was initially done independently by two trained assistants. Differences in coding exceeding one scale point were discussed by the two coders, typically in conjunction with the third author (on political participation) and the first author (on warfare). If it was apparent that one coder had missed relevant information or had misinterpreted the coding rules, that coder changed her/his rating; sometimes the coders reached a compromise. Where the original codings were more than one point apart and the coders could not reconcile the discrepancy, the case was omitted from the analysis; where the discrepancy was one point or less, the computations were performed using the midpoint between the two codings. The assistants did not know our hypotheses; the third author had no knowledge of the frequency of warfare in the societies.
28 Napoleon Alphonseau Chagnon, “Yanomamo Warfare, Social Organization and Marriage Alliances” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1966); and idem, Yano-mamo: The Fierce People (New York: Holt Rinehart, 1968)Google Scholar.
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30 Images of a divinity are seen through a glass most darkly, if at all. Hence those images would seem to derive from immediate relationships. Where socialization in the first years of life is strict and punitive, such behavior is typically imputed to the supernatural. Similarly, images of political jurisdiction in the supernatural world tend to parallel those in political jurisdictions above the family. See Lambert, William, Triandis, Leigh, and Wolf, Margery, “Some Correlates of Beliefs in the Malevolence and Benevolence of Supernatural Beings: A Cross-Cultural Study,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 58 (1959)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Swanson, Guy E., The Birth of the Gods (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969)Google Scholar. In international relations, Alexander Wendt argues that beliefs about whether other states will behave according to the principles of realist anarchy are socially constructed, but he attends to learning from behavior in the interstate system rather than from domestic politics. See Wendt, , “Anarchy Is What States Make of It,” International Organization 46 (1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For evidence that evaluations of domestic politics strongly influence orientations toward behavior internationally, see Lumsdaine, David, Ideals and Interests: The Foreign Aid Regime, 1949—1986 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992)Google Scholar.
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40 In the contemporary international system, see Maoz and Russett (fn. 3), who find that stable democratic systems are more likely to be peaceable toward other democracies than are unstable ones.
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49 Ibid.
50 Tuden and Marshall (fn. 18), 120–21.