Article contents
Parochial Conformity and Voluntary Religion in Late-Medieval England
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
Extract
Much evidence has been brought to light recently to demonstrate the vitality of religious life among the English laity on the eve of the Reformation. Attention has been drawn to the fact that, in the period before the advent of Protestantism, lay men and women evinced a high degree of commitment to their church. The religious changes of the sixteenth century are as pressing a historical problem as ever; moreover, they provide a valuable litmus with which to test the qualities of the late-medieval church. Nevertheless, there is a danger that the fascination of the Reformation question, together with the bias of documentary sources on lay religion towards the latter end of the medieval period, may impoverish our appreciation of the ways in which, for a thousand years, Christians in Britain had been shaping their religious lives. To take a long view of religious voluntarism may help to put the developments of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in a proper perspective. There has also been a tendency, in discussion of lay religious life in the late middle ages, to accept the institutional framework as given. Yet in practice that framework was both adjustable and expressive of a wide range of lay initiatives in religion. That men and women were prepared to lend material support to a variety of religious institutions is apparent from any medieval collection of wills or set of churchwardens' accounts. But what, exactly, was expressed by such support? This is not an easy question to answer. Any assessment calls for an understanding of the medieval parish, not as a legal abstraction, nor yet as a supposedly ‘natural’ community of inhabitants, but as a more or less adaptable framework shaped by, and in turn shaping, the lives of the members. The evidence of religious activity, from processions to church-building, is, so far as it goes, not hard to find. But what of the parochial structure which gave meaning to these gestures, and which could in turn be modified by them?
- Type
- Christian Life in the Later Middle Ages
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1991
References
1 E.g. Scarisbrick, J.J., The Reformation and the English People (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar; Tanner, N. P., The Church in Late Medieval Norwich 1370–1532 (Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Studies and Texts, 66, 1984)Google Scholar; Swanson, R. N., Church and Society in Late Medieval England (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar, ch. 6; Morris, R., Churches in the Landscape (1989)Google Scholar, ch. 9. For their very helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper I am grateful to Jane Garnett and Richard Morris.
2 For recent discussion of the development of parishes, see Minsters and Parish Churches: The Local Church in Transition 950–1200, ed.Blair, J. (Oxford Univ. Committee for Archaeology Monographs, xvii, 1988)Google Scholar.
3 Beresford, M.W., ‘A journey along boundaries’, in his History on the Ground (2nd edn, 1971), 25–62Google Scholar.
4 Parochial boundaries did not in all cases follow ancient territorial divisions; but that lengths of them did so in parts of Wessex is demonstrated by Bonney, D.J., ‘Early boundaries in Wessex’ in Archaeology and the Landscape, ed. Fowler, P. J. (1972), 168–86Google Scholar.
5 Morris, R. K., ‘The church in the countryside: two lines of enquiry’, in Medieval Villages. A Review of Current Work, ed. Hooke, D. (Oxford Univ. Committee for Archaeology Monographs, v, 1985), 47–60, at 50–1Google Scholar and table 5.1.
6 For the English government's acceptance of a figure of 45,000 in 1371, see Coleman, O., ‘What figures? Some thoughts on the use of information by medieval governments’, in Trade, Government and Economy in Pre-Industrial England, ed. Coleman, D. C. and John, A.H. (1976), 96–112, at 102–3, 107Google Scholar. A century later a Norfolk man, John Rennys, noted in his commonplace book that he believed ‘the number of parish churches in England’to be 48,822. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Tanner 407, fo. 37V; Ormrod, W. M., ‘An experiment in taxation: the English parish subsidy of 137:,Speculum, lxiii (1988), 59–82Google Scholar.
7 Tupling, G., ‘The pre-Reformation parishes and chapelries of Lancashire’, Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, lxvii (1957), 1–16Google Scholar.
8 Adams, J.H., ‘The mediaeval chapels of Cornwall, “Journal of the Royal Institution of Cornwall, new ser., iii (1957), 48–65, at 48Google Scholar.
9 Everitt, A., Continuity and Colonization. The Evolution of Kentish Settlement (Leicester, 1986), 184, 205–6Google Scholar.
10 Owen, D. M., ‘Medieval chapels in Lincolnshire’, Lincolnshire History and Archaeology, x (1975), 15–22Google Scholar. Numbers of parishes in these counties in the early nineteenth century are given in Lewis, S., Topographical Dictionary of England (4 vols., 1840), iii. 77, 366Google Scholar. Further on the provision of chapels at the time of the Reformation, see Kitching, C., ‘Church and chapelry in sixteenth-century England’, Studies in Church History, xvi (1979). 279–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11 Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R. A. B. (Oxford, 1969), v. 12, p. 488 (‘villulae oratorium’)Google Scholar.
12 Everitt, , Continuity and Colonization, 220–2Google Scholar. A similar case was made specifically for the later period of nonconformity by the same author in idem, The Pattern of Rural Dissent: The Nineteenth Century (Leicester Univ. Department of English Local History Occasional Papers, 2nd ser., iv, 1972), 26.
13 See The Records of a Commission of Sewers for Wiggenhall 1319–1324, ed. Owen, A. E.B. (Norfolk Record Society, xlviii, 1981)Google Scholar. Certain guilds of this region are known specifically to have undertaken the construction of dykes (e.g. Public Record Office, C47/46/475); and it is notable that no less than nine guilds are recorded in the four parishes of fourteenth-century Wiggenhall (PRO, C47/45/356–64).
14 Owen, D. M., Church and Society in Medieval Lincolnshire (Society for Lincolnshire History and Archaeology, History of Lincolnshire, v, 1981), 6Google Scholar.
15 Owen, , ‘Medieval chapels in Lincolnshire’, 18Google Scholar; Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: Papal Letters (1893-), vi. 131 (confirmation of 1408). In 1389, apparently before the chapel's construction, a guild of inhabitants of Holbeach Hurn had sustained lights in the parish church. PRO, C47/40/123.
16 Cal. Papal Letters, xiii. 721–2.
17 Tupling, ‘Parishes and chapelries of Lancashire’.
18 A similar pattern has been observed in the chapel foundations of the inland, Kesteven district of Lincolnshire. Owen, D. M., ‘Chapelries and rural settlement. An examination of some of the Kesteven evidence’, in English Medieval Settlement, ed. Sawyer, P. H. (1979), 35–40Google Scholar.
19 Cf. Rock, D., The Church of Our Fathers (4 vols., 1905), iv. 163Google Scholar; Owen, , Church and Society, 17–18Google Scholar.
20 PRO, C47/45/383; Rosser, G., ‘Communities of parish and guild in the late middle ages’, in Parish, Church and People. Local Studies in Lay Religion 1350–1750, ed. Wright, S. J. (1988), 29–55, at 53 n. 86Google Scholar.
21 PRO, C47/44/332; Norfolk Archaeology, xxix (1946), 205Google Scholar.
22 Norfolk Record Society, xi (1939), 31–3Google Scholar.
23 Taylor, C., Village and Farmstead (1983)Google Scholar.
24 M. W. Beresford, ‘Dispersed and group settlement in medieval Cornwall’, repr. in his Time and Place: Collected Essays (1984), 31–45. Similar evidence, again from a largely arable landscape, is discussed in Royal Commission on Historical Monuments: Northamptonshire, iv (1982), pp. xxxvii–xlGoogle Scholar.
25 Thomas, C., Christian Antiquities of Camborne (1967), 64–71, 74–85Google Scholar; Mattingly, J., ‘The medieval parish guilds of Cornwall’,Journal of the Royal Institution of Cornwall, new series, x (1989), 290–329Google Scholar.
26 Taylor, passim.
27 Cal. Papal Letters, vi. 24–5.
28 The Victoria History of the County of Oxford, xii (1990), 78–9, 92–4Google Scholar. Since the early sixteenth century the older church has disappeared.
29 York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, MS CP/G/117. I am most grateful to Dr John Thomson for drawing this dossier to my attention.
30 Cat. Papal Letters, vi. 29; cf. Nash, T., Collections for the History of Worcestershire (2 vols., 1781–1782), i. 164Google Scholar.
31 For comparison with a later period, see also the comments on patterns of religious adherence recorded in the nineteenth century, and the impossibility of applying a rigid distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’ parishes, in Church and Chapel in Oxfordshire 1851. The Return of the Census of Religious Worship, ed. Tiller, K. (Oxfordshire Record Society, lv, 1987), xxv ffGoogle Scholar.
32 Preston, A. E., Christ's Hospital Abingdon (Oxford, 1930), 8–11, 75Google Scholar.
33 Henley Borough Records, ed. Briers, P. M. (Oxfordshire Record Society, xli, 1960), 91, 123 and passimGoogle Scholar.
34 Tupling, ‘Parishes and chapelries of Lancashire’ Haigh, C., Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire (Cambridge, 1975)Google Scholar.
35 Wake, J., ‘Communitas villae’, English Historical Review, xxxvii (1922), 406–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
36 Rigby, S. H., ‘Boston and Grimsby in the middle ages: an administrative contrast’, Journal of Medieval History, x (1984), 51–66, at 61–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
37 Owen, , ‘Medieval chapels in Lincolnshire’, 16Google Scholar.
38 Everitt, , Continuity and Colonization, 219Google Scholar. In a similar case, a private chapel having been founded within his house by Robert de Haldenby, who lived three miles from the parish church of Adlingfleet, Yorks., in 1403 he secured the right to a chaplain celebrating there regularly for the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. Cal. Papal Letters, v 535–6.
39 British Library, Additional MS 32104, fos. 301–2; Whitaker, T.D., An History of the Original Parish of Whalley and Honor of Clitheroe, 2 vols. (4th edn. 1872–1876), ii. 158Google Scholar; Bennett, W., The History of Burnley (4 pts., Burnley, 1946–1951), ii. 106–7Google Scholar; The Victoria History of the County of Lancashire, vi (1911), 450Google Scholar.
40 ‘Habeant dicti inhabitantes … unum presbyterum in eadem villula de Pidington continue residentem ad ipsorum inhabitantium proprium arbitrium eligendum et nominandum atque praeficiendum.’ Kennett, White, Parochial Antiquities (2nd edn., 2 vols., Oxford, 1818), ii. 261–7, 282Google Scholar; The Victoria History of the County of Oxford, v (1957), 256Google Scholar.
41 PRO, C47/46/452(a).
42 Cal. Papal Letters, vii. 521; cf. Bonney, ‘Early boundaries’.
43 Cowcher, P. C., ‘The chapel of the gild of St. James and Pennoyer's School, Pulham’, Norfolk Archaeology, xxx (1947–1952), 65–74Google Scholar.
44 The Register of William Edington Bishop of Winchester 1346–1366, ed. Hockey, S. F. (2 vols., Hampshire Record Series, vii-viii 1986–1987), ii. 62–3 (1365)Google Scholar.
45 Warner, P., ‘Shared churchyards, freemen church builders and the development of parishes in East Anglia’, Landscape History, viii (1986), 39–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
46 Ibid.
47 The case is Thorney in Suffolk; see ibid.
48 Two Kentish examples, at Pembury and Eastry: Hasted, E., The History and Topo-graphical Survey ofthe County ofKent (2nd edn., 12vols., 1797–1801), v. 271, x. 117Google Scholar.
49 The Victoria History of the County of Cambridge and the Isle of Ely, iv (1953), 248Google Scholar; Nicholas, A., St Peter and St Paul, Wisbech (Wisbech, 1988), 5Google Scholar.
50 Suckling, A., The History and Antiquities of the County of Suffolk (2 vols., 1846–1848), i. 282–7Google Scholar; Hunt, B P. W. S., Flinten History (7th edn., 1953), 22–45Google Scholar.
51 Blomefield, F., An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk (2nd edn., 11 vols, 1805–1810), i. 191–;2Google Scholar.
52 This phrase was used in the chapelry of Dowdeswell in Whittington parish, Gloucs., in the early 15th century. Cal. Papal Letters, vi. 388.
53 Abingdon: supra. Chimney: ex inf. Dr W.J. Blair. For a case-study of a legal struggle of this kind, see Lutgens, C., ‘The case of Waghen vs. Sutton: conflict over burial rights in late medieval England’, Mediaeval Studies, xxxviii (1976), 145–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
54 Johnson, F., ‘The chapel of St. Clement at Brundall’, Norfolk Archaeology, xxii (1924–1925), 194–205Google Scholar; the inventory is printed in Norfolk Record Society, xix (1) (1947), 43–4 A similar case in a suburban parish of York: Solloway, J., The Alien Benedictines of York (Leeds, 1910), 254, 259Google Scholar.
55 Whiting, R., The Blind Devotion of the People. Popular Religion and the English Reformation (Cambridge, 1989), 57–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
56 Haigh, , Reformation and Resistance, 67Google Scholar.
57 Further discussion in G. Rosser, ‘The cure of souls in English towns before 1000’, in Pastoral Care before the Parish, ed. J. Blair and R. Sharpe (Leicester, forthcoming).
58 Blomefield, , Norfolk, i. 20, 32–3Google Scholar.
59 Dorset County Record Office, MSS B/CD/47–8, B3/CD/57–60, B3/M11, pp. 59–65, 158; Hutchins, J., The History and Antiquities of the County of Dorset (3rd edn., by Shipp, W. and Hodson, J.W., 4 vols., 1861–1870), ii, 22–4Google Scholar; and further discussion in G. Rosser, English Medieval Guilds900–1600 (forthcoming).
60 E.g. a burial-ground to serve the hamlets of Shilton and Henley in the parish of Kirkby Mallory, Leics., was granted in 1415 on condition that the inhabitants should keep up both the southern part of the cemetery and the south half of the nave of the mother church. The Register of Bishop Philip Repingdon 1405–1419, ed.Archer, M. (3 vols., Lincolnshire record Society, lvii, lviii, lxxiv, 1963–1982), iii. 3–4Google Scholar. At Sourton, a chapelry of Bridestowe in Devon, the possessors of a new cemetery granted in 1451 were to continue to maintain that part of Bridestowe churchyard for which they had customarily been responsible. Registrum Edmundi Lacy 1420–1455, ed. Dunstan, G. R. (5vols.,Canterbury and York Society, lx–lxiv, 1963–1971), iii. 273–8Google Scholar. See also ibid., iv. 314–18.
61 See supra, n. 39.
62 Thompson, A. Hamilto, The Historical Growth of the English Parish Church (Cambridge, 1911), 68Google Scholar.
63 PRO, C47/44/337–8.
64 Loraine, H.R., Knapton. Some Motes on the Church and the Manor (North Waltham, 1952Google Scholar, repr. 1985), 6.
65 Mattingly, , ‘Parish guilds of Cornwall’, 295–6Google Scholar.
66 Ibid., 304; Pevsner, N., The Building of England: Cornwall (1951), 180Google Scholar.
67 Blomefield, , Norfolk, i. 268–9Google Scholar.
68 E.g. PRO, C47/42/238 (the guild of the Ascension at Lynn).
69 Plan in St Laurence's parish church, Ludlow.
70 Yorkshire Chantries, ed. Page, W. (2 vols., Surtees Society, xci, xcii, 1892–1893), ii. 142, 180–1, 315Google Scholar.
71 Kitching, , ‘Church and chapelry’, 289Google Scholar.
72 Alarming rumours about the alleged intended suppression of chapels contributed significantly to the Catholic rising in Lincolnshire in October 1536. See Bowker, M., The Henrician Reformation. The Diocese of Lincoln under John Longland 1521–1547 (Cambridge, 1981), 153–5Google Scholar.
- 7
- Cited by