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The Exempla of ‘Jacob's Well’: A Study in the Transmission of Medieval Sermon Stories

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Joan Young Gregg
Joan Young Gregg*
Affiliation:
John Jay College, The City University of New York
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Extract

The use of moral stories or cautionary tales in sermons to illustrate and reinforce homiletic doctrine was widely accepted by medieval preachers. While diffusion of suitable narratives for this purpose was sometimes accomplished by oral means, such tales were more commonly transmitted by compendia or encyclopedias of didactic stories. These compilations were circulated throughout medieval Christendom for use as reference books by the homilist composing a sermon or series of sermons to be read by his colleagues or delivered from his pulpit.

Type
Articles
Information
Traditio , Volume 33 , 1977 , pp. 359 - 380
Copyright
Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 Medieval homilists of unimpeachable authority such as Gregory the Great, Jacques de Vitry, Odo de Cheriton, and Humbert de Romans advocated the use of moral tales to inspire and instruct religious audiences and authored collections of sermon narrative. While a thread of complaint about homiletic use of unsuitable stories runs through medieval artes praedicandi, there is general agreement among medieval religious authors that cautionary tales, saints’ legends and other appropriate narratives enhance a sermon. For these views see the Prologue of Jacques de Vitry in The Exempla or Illustrative Stories from the Sermones vulgares of Jacques de Vitry, <e>ed. Thomas Crane (Publications of the Folk-lore Society 26; London 1890) xli–xlii; the Prologue to Humbert de Romans’ Liber de dono timoris in J. Thomas Welter's L'exemplum dans la littérature religieuse et didactique en Moyen Ǎge (Paris 1927) 70–72; the Prologue to the Alphabetum narrationum in John Herbert's A Catalogue of Romances in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum (London 1910) III 428–29.Google Scholar

2 Jacob's Well Part 1 (EETS os 115; London 1900); hereafter JW. Google Scholar

3 ‘A Myrour to Lewde Men and Women (Edited from Harley MS. 45)’ (Diss. Univ. of Penn. 1951) xlvii–liv, compares doctrinal material from the Myrour, JW, and the Spec. vitae, and demonstrates the derivation of the former two from the latter. There is no printed edition of the Spec. vitae; the first 370 lines have been edited by Hope Emily Allen, English Studies 7 (1919) 468–72.Google Scholar

4 JW ix. The editor acknowledged, however, that ‘the collection of stories worked into our MS. must be reserved for special research.’ Gerould, The North English Homily Collection: A Study of the Manuscript Relations and the Sources of the Tales (Oxford 1902) 42, incorrectly infers that the ‘numerous references in Jacob's Well to Caesar of Heisterbach show that Caesar's Dialogue of Miracles was well-known in medieval England.” The unreliability of determining the actual authorities of medieval exempla from their cited sources is further illustrated by Mary, A. and Rouse, Richard H., ‘The Texts Called Lumen anime,’ Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 41 (1971) 1–113, where the authors, in describing the use made of the text under discussion, a topically arranged collection of exempla drawn from natural history, mention that in 1332, one Godfrey, a canon of the Augustinian house at Vorau, utilized from the Lumen A text ‘the names, only, of authors and works, and applied them freely to exempla in Lumen B [as the second MS of this text is called] with little or no regard to the real source of any given exemplum’ (p. 35).Google Scholar

5 Pfander, Homer, ‘The Medieval Friars and Some Alphabetical Source Books for Sermons,’ Medium Ævum 3 (1934) 22, states that ‘in the Middle Ages when books were comparatively rare and required great labor to make, little of the matter used in sermons came from original sources. We are surely right in assuming that this material was used at second, third, or even fourth hand.’Google Scholar

6 For a discussion of Latin example-books commonly used as sources for exempla in medieval England, see ibid. 19–29.Google Scholar

7 The Alph. Narr. has never been printed. An edition with notes in the hand of J. Thomas Welter is in the Bibliothèque Nationale (MS XXXX 2632) but has not yet been published. A number of the tales have been described and discussed by Toldo, Pietro, ‘D'all’ Alphabetum Narationum,’ Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 117 (1906) 68–85, 287–303; 118 (1907) 69–81, 329–51; 119 (1907) 86–100, 351–71. The name of Arnold of Liège, the author of the Alph. narr., is known from its appearance as No. 55 in a list of Dominican teachers and writers compiled by one Fr. Stephanus, which is printed in ‘Quellen zur Gelehrtengeschichte des Predigerordens,’ Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters 2 (1885) 212. A more recent reference to Arnold of Liège as the author of the Alph. narr. is given by Thomas Kaeppeli, o.p., Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum medii aevi (Rome 1970) I 130 and 134. The most important evidence linking Arnold of Liège's name to the Alph. narr. is found in an anagram in its Prologue, where the first letters of the first eight sentences spell out the name ‘Arnuldus.’ The Prologue in MS Oxford, Balliol College 219, advises the reader that ‘Nomen compilantis in litteras capitalibus hujus proemio continetur.’ The case for Arnold's authorship of the Alph. narr. and a discussion of the probable date of the work's composition may be found in John Herbert's Cat. of Romances III 423ff.Google Scholar

8 Exempla … of Jacques de Vitry, <e>ed. Crane, cvii. All the exempla of Jacques de Vitry cited in my text by number are from this edition.ed.+Crane,+cvii.+All+the+exempla+of+Jacques+de+Vitry+cited+in+my+text+by+number+are+from+this+edition.>Google Scholar

9 Herbert, John, ‘The Authorship of the Alphabetum narrationum,’ The Library 2nd ser. 6 (1905) 97.Google Scholar

10 For a complete list of all extant MSS of the Alph. narr. see J. Thomas Welter's L'exemplum 313–14. Welter lists references to the Alph. narr. by medieval English writers on 326, 415, 431, and 442.Google Scholar

11 Under the past administration of Salisbury Cathedral Library the second half of JW was not permitted to be filmed or personally examined. A new policy has been instituted in the past year, however, and a duplication of the MS in question will be made ‘in its turn’ according to the secretary for the Cathedral (correspondence, Jan. 11, 1974).Google Scholar

12 Space does not permit the full consideration of all the exempla in JW in this paper. For a complete analysis of these narratives see my study ‘The Narrative Exempla of Jacob's Well’ (Diss. New York Univ. 1973). I would like to express here my gratitude to Professor Lillian Herlands Hornstein for her direction of this dissertation.Google Scholar

13 The parenthetical reference is to Frederic Tubach's Index exemplorum: A Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales (Folklore Fellows Communications 86 No. 204; Hensinki 1969). Future references will be cited in the text as IE. Google Scholar

14 Ward, Harry, Cat. of Romances II 683 #33, describes a version of this tale in John Herolt's Promptuarium de miraculis BVM which also cites Prudentius. Ward was unaware that Herolt's tale was derived from the Alph. narr. and ascribed the error in citation to Herolt himself, a mistake which Herbert corrected in Cat. of Romances III 434 #52.Google Scholar

15 Herbert, , Cat. of Romances II 435 #61, states that the authority referred to here is Alexander de Stavensby, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, 1224–1238, whose record of the incident comprising the exemplum was retold and condensed in a Dominican history, which may have been Jacobus de Voragine's source. Brandeis, JW 255 n. 3, is therefore incorrect in his speculation that the authority meant is Alexander (Petit) de Balscot, Bishop of Meath (Mindensis), d. 1397.Google Scholar

16 de Voragine, Jacobus, The Golden Legend , trans. Granger Ryan and Helmut Ripperger, (N. Y. 1941) 430. This work is hereinafter cited in the text as GL. Google Scholar

17 For a discussion of Humbert († 1277), the fifth Master-General of the Dominian Order and his Liber, see Herbert, , Cat. of Romances III 87ff. My source for the exempla from Humbert's work is MS B.M. Sloane 3102, a 15th-century abridgement of the Liber de dono timoris. Google Scholar

18 Unless otherwise noted, all references to the exempla of Étienne de Bourbon are from Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues tirés du recueil inédit de Étienne de Bourbon, <e>ed. Lecoy de la Marche (Librairie de la Société de l'Historie de France 185; Paris 1877).Google Scholar

19 This is a reference to Nicholas de Flavigny, Archbishop of Besançon (1227–1235), who is cited as the source for this tale in Étienne de Bourbon's Liber de septem donis. Étienne's exemplum is not printed by La Marche but it is described by Herbert, Cat. of Romances III 83 #6 (from MS B.M. Addit. 28682, a version of Étienne's Liber).Google Scholar

20 The third part of this tale in JW, which tells how the unrepentant usurer's body was finally carried to a grave chosen by the donkey drawing the funeral cart, is attributed to Jacques de Vitry. The anecdote appears in Crane's edition #177, but there is one significant departure from this original by the English sermoner which strongly suggests that it was Arnold of Liège's version of the tale (fol. 185r), not de Vitry's, which was being followed. Both the author of JW and Arnold state that it was the usurer's friends who suggested the method of burial (because they thought the ass knew only the one route from the priest's house to the church), while de Vitry stated that it was the priest who suggested the method of burial (as a way of getting rid of the usurer's importuning friends).Google Scholar

21 For these, see Allen, Roland, ‘Gerbert, Pope Sylvester II,’ English Historical Review 7 (1892) 667–69.Google Scholar

22 The motif of animals choosing a road to be taken was a current one in medieval exempla, and had, indeed, been used by Arnold of Liège in another exemplum in his collection (see above, n. 18). In John Mirk's Festial: A Collection of Homilies, <e>ed. Theodore Erbe (EETS 96; London 1905) 211, the following incident occurs in a sermon relating the life of St. James the Great. A Spanish queen orders the saint's body to be yoked to two bulls who are to drag him where they will, killing him as they proceed, and pointing out his burial place by their stopping point. James makes the sign of the cross and the bulls refuse to move; the saint releases them and they run straight to the queen's palace. This episode is not found in the Leg. aurea's ‘Life’ of St. James, which was probably Mirk's main source. Thus, Mirk must have derived it from some other pious narrative and appended it to his account of the saint. Thompson, Stith, Motif-Index of Folk Literature (2nd ed.; Bloomington, Ind. 1955–57) N 277, lists the motif ‘Animal determines road to be taken,’ but neither this listing nor any of its more specific subdivisions refers to the story of Pope Sylvester.ed. Theodore Erbe (EETS 96; London 1905) 211, the following incident occurs in a sermon relating the life of St. James the Great. A Spanish queen orders the saint's body to be yoked to two bulls who are to drag him where they will, killing him as they proceed, and pointing out his burial place by their stopping point. James makes the sign of the cross and the bulls refuse to move; the saint releases them and they run straight to the queen's palace. This episode is not found in the Leg. aurea's ‘Life’ of St. James, which was probably Mirk's main source. Thus, Mirk must have derived it from some other pious narrative and appended it to his account of the saint. Thompson, Stith, Motif-Index of Folk Literature (2nd ed.; Bloomington, Ind. 1955–57) N 277, lists the motif ‘Animal determines road to be taken,’ but neither this listing nor any of its more specific subdivisions refers to the story of Pope Sylvester.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=The+motif+of+animals+choosing+a+road+to+be+taken+was+a+current+one+in+medieval+exempla,+and+had,+indeed,+been+used+by+Arnold+of+Liège+in+another+exemplum+in+his+collection+(see+above,+n.+18).+In+John+Mirk's+Festial:+A+Collection+of+Homilies,+ed.+Theodore+Erbe+(EETS+96;+London+1905)+211,+the+following+incident+occurs+in+a+sermon+relating+the+life+of+St.+James+the+Great.+A+Spanish+queen+orders+the+saint's+body+to+be+yoked+to+two+bulls+who+are+to+drag+him+where+they+will,+killing+him+as+they+proceed,+and+pointing+out+his+burial+place+by+their+stopping+point.+James+makes+the+sign+of+the+cross+and+the+bulls+refuse+to+move;+the+saint+releases+them+and+they+run+straight+to+the+queen's+palace.+This+episode+is+not+found+in+the+Leg.+aurea's+‘Life’+of+St.+James,+which+was+probably+Mirk's+main+source.+Thus,+Mirk+must+have+derived+it+from+some+other+pious+narrative+and+appended+it+to+his+account+of+the+saint.+Thompson,+Stith,+Motif-Index+of+Folk+Literature+(2nd+ed.;+Bloomington,+Ind.+1955–57)+N+277,+lists+the+motif+‘Animal+determines+road+to+be+taken,’+but+neither+this+listing+nor+any+of+its+more+specific+subdivisions+refers+to+the+story+of+Pope+Sylvester.>Google Scholar

23 The similarity of the legend's central motif to the motif of the Oedipus legend has been pointed out by Toldo, Pietro, ‘D'all’ Alphabetam Narationum’ (note 7 supra) 353.Google Scholar

24 All references to this work are from the translation by Charles Bland and Henry Scott (London 1929) 2 vols.Google Scholar

25 All citations of the VP refer to Herbert Rosweyd's edition, Vitae Patrum sive Historiae eremiticae libri decem in PL 73 and 74.Google Scholar

26 There are three illustrative narratives in JW citing Peter Damian († 1072), an ascetic reformer who was the author of numerous tracts denouncing the state of the clergy and clarifying theological practice and canon law. All three tales derive from Damian's tract De abdicatione episcopatus: Ad Nicolaum II Rom[anum] Pont[ificem] (PL 145.423–42). The analogues of these tales in the Alph. narr. were probably indirectly derived by Arnold of Liège through Vincent de Beauvais’ Speculum historiale, which preserved Damian's entire tract. Since the tract contained other exempla besides the three tales used by the author of JW, the fact that he used only those three also used by Arnold of Liège strongly suggests that he was not using Damian's tract at first hand, but was using Arnold's exempla extrapolated from the tract.Google Scholar

27 Two stories in JW cite Helinandus, the poet-monk of Froidmond († after 1229), a well-known preacher and the author of an historical compilation called the Universal Chronicle. Helinandus’ 28 extant sermons, all of which contain some narratives, are printed in PL 212.481–750; exempla from his Chronicle were collected by Vincent de Beauvais for a chapter in his Speculum historiale called ‘Flores Helinandi.’ The second of Helinandus’ stories in JW, the tale of the collier's vision (p. 53), is one which contains affirmative evidence of its direct derivation from the Alph. narr. Google Scholar

28 See Tubach, Frederic, ‘Exempla in the Decline,’ Traditio 18 (1962) 414–417, for this argument.Google Scholar

29 This motif appears to have been first recorded in a collection of sermons composed at the Convent of St. Victor in Paris ca. 1150. Haureau, Barthèlemy, Notices et extraits de quelque manuscrits latins de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris 1891) III 129, locates this tale in MS Bib. Nat. lat. 14590 fol. 240 col. 3, and reproduces it in full. The tale in JW corresponds in substance to this version. Tales with this motif appear in a number of collections of English provenance described by Herbert, including a MS of Odo de Cheriton, Cat. of Romances III 53 #84 and the Speculum laicorum ibid. 410 #xiiia. See IE #2057 for additional appearances of this tale in medieval exempla literature.Google Scholar

30 For analogues of this tale with conclusions similar to Arnold's see Herbert, Cat. of Romances III 595 #144, 626 #22, and 626 #20. Another version, in which a scroll with the words ‘Ave Maria’ on it is found in the dead girl's mouth, is described by Herbert, ibid. 526 #98 (MS B.M. Harley 2385). Crane, Exempla … Jacques de Vitry lxxxviii, describes a version of this tale in the 14th-century compilation of exempla called Scala celi in which it is reported by the priest that a light from the dead woman's corpse ascended to the heavens.Google Scholar

31 See IE #2094 and 437 for these. For folkloric use of this motif see Aarne Antti and Stith Thompson's The Types of the Folk-Tale: A Classification and Bibliography (Helsinki 1961) Motif E. 631 Type 510.Google Scholar

32 For the origin and development of this legend see Scholderer, Victor, ‘The Legend of Archbishop Udo,’ The Library 2nd ser. 9 (1908) 336ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

33 <e>Ed. J. S. Westlake (EETS os 143; London 1911) 59.Ed.+J.+S.+Westlake+(EETS+os+143;+London+1911)+59.>Google Scholar

34 Three Prose Versions of the Secreta Secretorum, <e>ed. Robert Steele (EETS os 74; London 1898) 154.ed.+Robert+Steele+(EETS+os+74;+London+1898)+154.>Google Scholar

35 <e>Ed. Curt Bühler (EETS os 211; London 1947) 173, 183, 188.Ed.+Curt+Bühler+(EETS+os+211;+London+1947)+173,+183,+188.>Google Scholar