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Indefinite Success: Religion and Culture in Eighteenth-Century Geneva

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Linda Kirk*
Affiliation:
University of Sheffield

Extract

This essay will argue that in eighteenth-century Geneva the religion of most of the lay elite followed the French pattern: learning and fashion alike steered them to a relaxed attitude to religious practice, and a mildly sceptical view of doctrine. It will be shown, however, that Geneva’s clergy – not securely within the elite -often tried to resist any softening of Geneva’s strict rules and social constraints even when they were keen to embrace scientific enlightenment; further, no overarching account of popular religion in Geneva can convincingly be propounded. One reason for this is that Geneva’s popular classes, unlike those of France, were dominated by literate, prosperous townspeople, many of whom still self-consciously lived out their protestant heritage, but some of whom found more meaning in radical, almost-secular politics.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2006

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References

1 Jacob Vernes’s short-lived periodical Choix Littéraire wooed its readers by claiming that it would demonstrate to the Christian ‘the accord there is between his reason and his religion’: Jacob Vernes, ed., Choix Littéraire 1 (1755), ix-x.

2 Kirk, Linda, ‘Godliness in a Golden Age: the Church and Wealth in Eighteenth- Century Geneva’, in Sheils, W. J. and Wood, Diana, eds, The Church and Wealth, SCH 24 (Oxford, 1987), 33346 Google Scholar; ‘A Poor Church in a Rich City: the Case of Geneva’, in Marcel Pacaut and Olivier Fatio, eds, with the collaboration of Michel Grandjean, L’Hostie et le denier: les finances ecclésiastiques du Haut Moyen Age à l’époque Moderne, Actes du Colloque … d’histoire ecclésiastique comparée, Genéve, août 1989, Publications de la Faculté de Théologie de l’Université de Genéve 14, Labor et Fides (Geneva, 1991), 257–67. In the following notes the place of publication is Geneva unless otherwise stated

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7 What was contested, and is contested now, especially by Gargett, is how far the clergy were hypocritical in continuing to teach and preach in terms which (we know) they were themselves interpreting with growing flexibility.

8 See n. 4, above.

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16 According to Perrenoud, Alfred, La Population de Genève du seizième au début du dix-neuvième siècle, Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société d’histoire et d’archéologie de Genève 47 (1979), 291 Google Scholar, around seventy men a year settled in this way through the eighteenth century; but (287) after 1750 French protestants seeking a life amidst co-religionists no longer constituted the majority.

17 Registre Consistoire, December 1788.

18 The vast pamphlet literature which fuelled Geneva’s conflicts tended to address issues in terms of constitutional law, trust, utility and public order. A near-complete listing can be found in Emile Rivoire, ‘Bibliographie historique de Genève au XVIIIe sièclé’, Mémoires et Documents publiés par la Société d’Histoire et d’Archéologie de Genève 26 and 27 (1897), with additions and corrections in 35 (1935).

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20 As in the Small Council’s response to the Lettres écrites de la Montagne (1764).

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29 Correspondance, 12: 2051.

28 Le Psautier de Genève, 1582–1865: images commentées et essai de bibliographie, ed. J.-D. Candaux(1986), 161.

31 Even rarer were the cases of criminals overtly unrepentant at execution. Míchel Porret tells of one who shouted at Pastor Picot in 1784, that having lived like a dog, he would die like one: ‘La Biographie des scélérats ou les circonstances de la dangerosité criminelle durant l’ancien régime’, Traverse 2 (Zürich, 1995), 55–64, 62.

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39 Reqêtes présentées par la famille Pictet… touchant l’ensévilissement de feue Demoiselle, 1774.