The transition to democracy and markets in the post-communist countries has produced many losers. Survey research has indicated that the populations of most of these states look back to the later decades of these regimes as ones of relative security and prosperity. The gainers have been those who valued freedom, and possessed the material resources (because of political or mafia connections) or social capital (because of their experience in the second economy under communism) to use it to their advantage. The recent electoral victory of the former communists in Poland, and the routing of Solidarity, indicate the depth of anxiety about the social consequences and costs of transition.

In 1995, over 100 countries signed up to this statement in the Copenhagen Declaration and Programme of Action at the UN World Summit for Social Development. The second section of this article reflects on an initiative in the UK, which aims to make a reality of the Copenhagen commitment around the demand for the involvement of people in poverty in decision making that affects their lives. The first, longer, section makes a normative theoretical case for such action.

The policy process in the devolved Scottish system reconciles the Scottish themes of delivering social policy from the centre, through channels of advice and professional direction, and the New Labour theme of broad social policy strategies aiming at better service delivery and employment outcomes. Beneath the surface issues there is a trend to re-structure some services. The Scottish Executive's strategy Social Justice, set out in annual reports, relates devolved and non-devolved responsibilities in a way that has implications for the structure of Executive departments and the policy-making demands made upon civil servants. The research reported here uses interviews with officials to explore the structures of policy making in the Executive within a context of expectations about ministerial and official roles inherited from the previous administrative devolution.

There is a growing interest in ‘evidence-based policy making’ in the UK. However, there remains some confusion about what evidence-based policy making actually means. This paper outlines some of the models used to understand how evidence is thought to shape or inform policy in order to explore the assumptions underlying ‘evidence-based policy making.’ By way of example, it considers the process of evidence seeking and in particular the systematic review as a presumed ‘gold standard’ of the EBP movement. It highlights some of the opportunities and challenges represented in this approach for policy research. The final part of the paper outlines some questions of capacity that need to be addressed if the social sciences are to make a more effective contribution to policy debate in Britain.

For a long time, the discussion about the impact of economic globalisation on the full employment/generous welfare state policies pursued by social democratic governments was characterised by doom and gloom. Glib neo-liberal arguments about the impossibility of maintaining social democratic policies, that were presumably hindering competitiveness through excessive wages and taxes in the new international environment were difficult to counter, because social democrats could not resort to an equally elaborate and internally consistent economic doctrine that could substitute for evidence, and the evidence was not yet in to counter these arguments on empirical grounds. Recently, careful and comprehensive comparative studies have provided evidence that, despite undeniable problems posed by economic internationalisation, social democratic welfare states and employment regimes have proven to be highly resilient (Scharpf and Schmidt, 2000; Huber and Stephens, 2001). Indeed, some kinds of traditional social democratic policy, such as an emphasis on labour mobilisation through active labour market policy and social services that make it possible to combine labour force participation with raising children, and an emphasis on human capital formation have facilitated adaptation to the new economic conditions. Moreover, newly available data on skill distribution (OECD/HRDC, 2000) and income distribution (LIS) suggest that the egalitarian thrust characteristic of social democratic policy has made an important contribution to raising literacy skills at the bottom, which in turn facilitates the integration of the entire labour force into productive activities that are competitive in high-quality markets.

This article examines the policy process in Wales prior to the introduction of a National Assembly for Wales and uses this as a framework for assessing the potential impact of devolution. Health and social services form the largest part of the budget of the National Assembly for Wales and the article focuses on health policy as a key area of interest for Assembly Members. The period 1992 to 1997 demonstrates an emphasis on managing both demand and finances thereby promoting the continued dominance, in terms of both resource allocation and prioritisation, of the acute hospital sector. The article then explores how far this has changed and what potential there is for changing this assumptive reality in a New Labour and devolved NHS.

The political and economic upheavals of the 1990s in Central and Eastern Europe were reflected in socio-demographic changes that presented major challenges for governments. Birth rates fell steeply and social divisions intensified, while population ageing was held in check by low life expectancy. Social protection systems underwent radical reform, as attempts were made to meet criteria for EU membership. This paper examines how socio-demographic change and ensuing social problems were experienced in candidate countries. It analyses the policy responses of governments and explores some of the issues being raised in the context of enlargement for EU member and applicant states.

Issues surrounding the role and provision of evidence to inform policy and practice have become topical and problematic. The context of these controversies is discussed, with particular emphasis on systematic approaches to synthesising research evidence. We contrast the ‘positivist’ emphasis with interpretative qualitative synthesis, and suggest that many of the viewpoints have become unnecessarily and unhelpfully polarised. The methods for systematic research syntheses will vary as they depend on the question being asked. The process is transparent, allowing readers to see how conclusions have been reached, and forms the basis of reviews which can be updated to help provide sustainable and relevant evidence.

This article reports the findings of a study which explored the activities of members of four Israeli Knessets (MKs) between 1990 and 2001 (the 12th to the 15th Knessets), and sought to explore possible connections between their activities in relation to child welfare and a number of social and political variables. The study was based on archival and quantitative data pertaining to MKs' activities. A short overview of the Israeli political system and the child welfare policy arena is presented, focusing on the changes they both went through between 1990 and 2001. The variety of MKs' activities on issues concerning children are described and possible connections between social and political variables and their activities are explored.

It has been claimed that there is a global Third Way (TW) debate. Giddens (2001: 1) writes that, ‘Across the world left of centre governments are attempting to institute third way programmes – whether or not they favour the term itself. ‘ He claims that there are self-declared third way parties in power in the UK, New Zealand, Korea, Taiwan, Brazil, Argentina and Chile, among many other countries. Similarly, according to Blair (2001), the ideas associated with the TW are still the wave of the future for progressive politics. From Latin America to Europe to parts of Asia, TW politics or ‘progressive government’ is exerting a huge influence on global politics. The TW is seen as a trailblazer for a new global social policy, a new model for a new millennium (e.g. McGuire, 1998/9). One of the main blueprints for the new politics (Giddens, 1998) has been translated into many languages. A number of international meetings in Paris and Florence have discussed the TW. British Prime Minister Tony Blair and German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder issued a joint paper, ‘The Third Way/Die Neue Mitte’ (Blair and Schröder, 1999) that was drafted by Peter Mandelson and Bodo Hombach. Hombach's book has been translated into English as ‘The New Centre’ (Hombach, 2000), with a preface by Tony Giddens and an introduction by Mark Leonard.

The paper gives some insights into the state of research and public debate abot poverty in Slovakia. It suggests that the idea of personal responsibility and the diminution of the state, and the practical need to rduce the public expenditures frame the public debate and the research orientation substantially, and that there is the tendency both of the poor families and politicians to avoid the discussion about everyday livelihood troubles of those living on social support. The author introduces some findings of the family history research History of Poverty in Slovakia that was the part of the international project designed and co-ordinated by Julia Szalai to present survival strategies of poor households and discusses the outcomes of their tendency to veil their poverty and include themselves by trying to pretend major consumption standards.

This paper provides an analysis of the New Community Schools (NCS) initiative as developed in Scotland. As our analysis makes clear the evidential base of this development was, at the outset, extremely slender. From that base, however, NCS has migrated to diverse localities within which it has had significant impact while itself being impacted upon by local conditions and contexts. We are particularly interested in the democratic potential of this process of migration: the extent to which, and ways in which, localities can speak back to the centralising sources of power through the mediation of policy. Our analysis focuses on NCS from inception, through formal announcement by the then Scottish Office, to the first year of implementation within a particular local authority in central Scotland. The paper is organised around what we see as three major shifts in the migration of NCS during this early period of its development. We argue that evidence of how, why, and to what effect policy ‘travels’ is crucial not only for the purposes of academic analysis, but also to the effective implementation of policy at the local level. Our central concern is with the self-reflexive development of policy through the formative analysis of evidence relating to its mediation.

This paper argues that the study of social policy can be enriched by a greater focus on the dynamics of the policy process itself. Such a focus needs to transcend the usual descriptive accounts of institutions and implementation methods. The paper draws on a range of theoretical approaches that illuminate the shaping and delivery of policy, from classic theories of power and the state to analyses of the micro-dynamics of the policy–action relationship. The paper explores the contribution of recent developments in governance theory, and assesses contemporary debates about the ‘modernisation’ of the policy process and the focus on evaluating ‘what works’ in social policy.

The European political landscape in the 1990s was characterised by centre-left parties returning to power in several countries after long periods in opposition. Following intensive internal debates over policy direction and policy revision, once back in power some centre-left governments in some countries have used terms such as the ‘third way’ and ‘new social democracy’, or the ‘Neue Mitte’ as an indication that contemporary policies should be seen as distinct from those pursued by both previous social democratic administrations and neo-liberal governments in the interim (e.g. Gamble and Wright, 1999; White, 2001). What, if anything, exactly constitutes the ‘third way’ has been a matter of considerable debate, as has been the question of how far traditional social democratic values and aspirations, such as solidarity and equality, are still relevant within ‘third way’ policies. More than previously, modern social democratic policy is geared towards reducing non-wage labour costs, fostering private forms of social protection, such as funded pensions, intensifying labour market integration and subsidising low-skilled jobs, but also incorporating new social risks and new social needs (Vandenbrouke, 2001).

This article locates the issue of recent migration among Slovak Roma into the Czech Republic within the context of EU enlargement and the recent concerns over immigration control. The small-scale fieldwork undertaken among the Slovak Roma migrants in Czech detention centres revealed – not surprisingly – that the choice to seek asylum is closely associated with the loss of their economic status and employment in Slovakia. To become an asylum seeker in a neighbouring country is a way of looking for work whilst the family members are safe, free from harassment and unwanted hostilities back at home. The link between migration and poverty, however, should not be seen as a causal link for this category of asylum seekers, since increasing poverty among the Roma cannot be dissociated from political issues, such as institutional discrimination that has not been effectively addressed by the government itself.

In Sweden, youth matters increasingly form a political field of their own. Youth politics may be related to governance and policy research on the one hand, and research on young people's lives on the other. Both have been influenced by similar questions, concerning the freedom of actors and the power of structures. Research specifically on youth politics is however scanty, in Sweden and internationally. The article analyses recent Swedish youth politics, based on interviews with local politicians and officials. Questions posed are: Which youth matters are prioritised at the local political agenda, and why? How is the division of responsibilities in youth matters between different actors perceived? Which importance and functions are attributed to local youth projects? To what extent do recent youth politics mirror late-modern assumptions of self-governance, individual choice and risk-taking? To what extent do they reflect assumptions of an earlier dominant social welfare paradigm? It is concluded that local youth politics in general contain elements of collectivist welfare thinking, and a neo-liberal or post-modern ideology is barely visible. Nevertheless, flexibility, autonomy and decentralisation assumptions about local authorities and young people become more prominent around youth projects. The municipality is also more likely to be identified as a strategic, risk-taking actor here.

The theme of social policy in Central Europe is not widely documented in the English-language journals, with the exceptions of the Journal of European Social Policy and International Social Security Review, although Global Social Policy and Social Quality can now be added to this ever-increasing list.

C.A.R. Crosland (1956) The Future of Socialism, Jonathan Cape, London.

Donald Sassoon (1997), One Hundred Years of Socialism, HarperCollins London. (First published by I.B.Tauris in 1996).

John Callaghan (2000), The Retreat of Social Democracy, Manchester University Press, Manchester.

Between them these three books provide an excellent overview of the theory and practice of social democracy as it has twisted and turned over the past century. As Sassoon reminds us in his magisterial review of the West European left, revisionism of one kind or another has been a constant feature of socialist discourse. The key question has always been whether such revisions have helped to bring about the transformation of capitalism (or, perhaps more realistically, its humanisation) or, in contrast, helped to secure its long-term survival. The first, and arguably the most controversial, revisionism of social democratic thought occurred in Germany at the end of the nineteenth century.

Recent texts on globalisation and education policy refer to the rapid flow of education policy texts producing or responding to common trends across nation states with the emergence of new knowledge economies. These educational policies are shaping what counts as research and the dynamics between research, policy, and practice in schools, creating new types of relationships between universities, the public, the professions, government, and industry. The trend to evidence-based policy and practice in Australian schools is used to identify key issues within wider debates about the ‘usefulness’ of educational research and the role of universities and university-based research in education in new knowledge economies.