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Choreographing the “Tsar's Happy Occasion”: Tradition, Change, and Dynastic Legitimacy in the Weddings of Tsar Mikhail Romanov

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Russell E. Martin
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Abstract

The Romanov dynasty came to the throne in 1613 after fifteen years of pretenders, peasant revolts, and foreign interventions, but the establishment of Romanov legitimacy would require time. In this article, Russell E. Martin explores how the wedding ritual of Tsar Mikhail Romanov was carefully constructed on the basis of previous royal weddings so as to appear fully consistent with previous Muscovite tradition. But Martin also shows that many elements of the wedding ritual were choreographed anew to create the image of the Romanovs as the legitimate heirs of the old Riurikid dynasty that had died out in 1598. Viewed in light of other efforts to legitimate their rule, the evidence from the weddings of the first Romanov tsar suggests how tenuous the new dynasty's hold on power was in its first decades on the throne and the ways that symbol and ritual were exploited to help establish the new regime.

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Articles
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Slavic Review , Volume 63 , Issue 4 , Winter 2004 , pp. 794 - 817
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 2004

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References

1. The bibliography on this period is substantial, but the classic work remains Platonov, S. F., Ocherki po istorii smuty v Moskovskom gosudarstve XVI-XVII w.: Opyt izucheniia obshchestvennogo stroia i soslanykh otnoshenii v smutnoe vremia (Moscow, 1937)Google Scholar. See also Perrie, Maureen, Pretenders and Popular Monarchism in Early Modern Russia: The False Tsars of the Time of Troubles (Cambridge, Eng., 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and the bibliography in Dunning, Chester S. L., Russia's First Civil War: The Time of Troubles and the Founding of the Romanov Dynasty (University Park, 2001)Google Scholar.

2. The literature is voluminous, but a few representative titles include: Bertelli, Sergio, The King's Body: The Sacred Rituals of Power in Medieval andEarly Modern Europe, trans. Litchfield, R. Burr (University Park, 2001)Google Scholar; Kertzer, David I., Ritual, Politics and Power (New Haven, 1988)Google Scholar; Cannadine, David and Price, Simon, eds., Rituals of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies (Cambridge, Eng., 1987)Google Scholar; Muir, Edward, Ritual in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, Eng., 1997)Google Scholar; Moore, Sally F. and Myerhoff, Barbara G., eds., Secular Ritual (Assen, 1977)Google Scholar.

3. The literature about Russia is growing. See, for example: Miller, David B., “Creating Legitimacy: Ritual, Ideology, and Power in Sixteenth-Century Russia,” Russian History/ Histoire Russe 21, no. 3 (Fall 1994): 289–315 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Flier, Michael, “Breaking the Code: The Image of the Tsar in the Muscovite Palm Sunday Ritual,” in Flier, Michael S. and Rowland, Daniel, eds., Medieval Russian Culture (Berkeley, 1994), 2:213–42Google Scholar; Flier, , “The Iconography of Royal Ritual in Sixteenth-Century Muscovy,” in Vryonis, Speros Jr., ed., Byzantine Studies: Essays on the Slavic World and the Eleventh Century (New Rochelle, N.Y., 1992)Google Scholar; Crummey, Robert O., “Court Spectacles in Seventeenth-Century Russia: Illusion and Reality,“ in Waugh, Daniel Clarke, ed., Essays in Honor of A. A. Timin (Columbus, 1985), 130–58Google Scholar; Kollmann, Nancy Shields, “Ritual and Social Drama at the Muscovite Court,” Slavic Reviexo 45, no. 3 (Fall 1986): 486–502 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rowland, Daniel, “The Problem of Advice in Muscovite Tales about the Time of Troubles,” Russian History/Histoire Russe 6, pt. 2 (1979): 259–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4. For uses of the term, see Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv drevnikh aktov (hereafter RGADA), f. 135 (the archive's Treasure Room, or Drevlekhranilishche), sec. IV, rubric II, no. 15, fol. 1; no. 17, fol. 1; no. 18, fol. 1; and Petrov, K. V., ed., Opisi arkhiva Razriadnogo prikaza XVII v. (St. Petersburg, 2001), 38 Google Scholar.

5. Documents describing royal weddings appear mainly in two forms: the ceremonial ﹛chin), or the narrative description of the sequence of rituals at the wedding, including the names of the courtiers in attendance; and the wedding muster (razriad), the bare listing of ceremonial positions at the wedding and the names of the courtiers who performed them. Other wedding-related sources survive as well (gift lists, musters of the less prominent posts at the wedding, some correspondence, and so on). On the typology of wedding documents, see Russell E. Martin, “Dynastic Marriage in Muscovy, 1500-1729” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1996), 289-341; and Martin, “Archival Sleuths and Documentary Transpositions: Notes on the Typology and Textology of Muscovite Royal Wedding Documents,“ Russian History/Histoire Russe 30, no. 3 (Fall 2003): 253-300.

6. Sakharov, I. P., ed., Skazaniia russkago naroda (St. Petersburg, 1849), vol. 2, bk. 6, pp. 38 Google Scholar, 40.

7. Ibid., vol. 2, bk. 6, p. 47.

8. N. [I.] Novikov, ed., Drevniaia rossiiskaia vivliofika: Soderzhashchaia v sebe sobranie drevnostei rossiiskikh, do istorii, geografii, i genealogii rossiiskiia kasaiushchihhsia, 2d ed., 20 vols. (hereafter DRV) (Moscow, 1788-1791), 13:148 Google Scholar.

9. See the use of this expression in Ostrowski, Donald, “The Façade of Legitimacy: Exchange of Power and Authority in Early Modern Russia,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 44 (2002): 534–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10. Sakharov, Skazaniia russkago naroda, vol. 2, bk. 6, p. 38.

11. See Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,” 173-83.

12. Ivan IV married Anastasiia Iur'eva, and his brother Iurii married Ul'iana Paletskaia on Thursdays. See DRV, 13:29 and 36.

13. See Bychkova, M. E., Sostav klassa feodalov Rossii v XVI v.: htoriko-genealogicheskoe issle.dovanie (Moscow, 1986), 127–30Google Scholar; and Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,” 126-30, 163-212.

14. On marriage in Muscovy, see Edward L. Keenan, “Muscovite Political Folkways,“ Russian Review 45, no. 2 (April 1986): 115-81; Kollmann, Nancy Shields, Kinship andPolitics: The Making of the Muscovite Political System, 1345-1547 (Stanford, 1987), 168–80Google Scholar; Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,” 204-12.

15. For the Khlopova affair, see Zabelin, I. E., Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits v XVI i XVII stoletiiakh (Moscow, 1901), 219–41Google Scholar; S. M. So\ov'ev,IsloriiaRossiisdrevneishikhvremm, 15 vols. (Moscow, 1959-66), 5:124-25; and Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,” 75-94. Khlopova was slipped a poison at a banquet by opponents of the marriage. She immediately fell into fits of vomiting and was deemed too sickly to be the tsar's consort. She and members of her family were exiled; though she recovered, she lived out her life in exile and spinsterhood.

16. Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits, 241-42.

17. Extant documentation shows that fathers of royal brides or grooms participated in the following sixteenth-century weddings: Feodosiia and Vasilii Kholmskii (1500), and Tsarevich Ivan Ivanovich and Evdokiia Saburova (1571). The grand prince or tsar was likely present at other nuptials in the period as well, though the documentation that would prove it is now lost. These include the two other weddings of Tsarevich Ivan (to Palegeia Petrova-Solovaia in 1575 and to Elena Sheremeteva in 1580); and Tsarevich Fedor Ivanovich's (the future Tsar Fedor Ivanovich) to Irina Godunova in 1580. The father of the royal bride or groom was absent from only the following sixteenth-century weddings (on account of the fact that the father was deceased): Evdokiia Ivanovna to Tsarevich Petr Kuidakul (1506); Andrei Staritskii to Evfrosiniia Khovanskaia (1533); both of the latter's son's weddings (Vladimir Staritskii, in 1549 and 1555); Iurii Vasil'evich to Ul'iana Paletskaia (1547); and, of course, all seven of Ivan IV's weddings (in 1547, 1561, 1571, 1572, 1574, 1579,1580).

18. Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,” 345-443.

19. For the identification of Gramotin's hand, see Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,” 350- 51; Cherepnin, L. V., ed., Gosudarstvennoe drevlekhranilishche khartii i rukopisei: Opis’ dokumental'nykh materialov fonda no. 135 (Moscow, 1971), 129 Google Scholar. Compare known examples of Gramotin's hand in RGADA, f. 396 (archive of the Armory, or Oruzheinaia palata), op. 1, no. 1061, fol. 4 (signature only); no. 947, fol. 1; no. 948, fol. 1; and no. 933, fol. 1; no. 1267, fol. 2 (best likeness). On Gramotin's handling of wedding documents, see Gal'tsov, V. I., ed., Opis’ arkhiva Posol'skogo prikaza 1626 goda, 2 pts. (Moscow, 1977), 1:404 Google Scholar. For examples of Gramotin's hand in wedding texts, see RGADA, f. 135, sec. rV, rubric II, nos. 3, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, and 19.

20. On the archive of the Foreign Office serving as the repository for dynastic documents, see Shmidt, S. O., ed., Opisi Tsarskogo arkhiva XVI veka i arkhiva Posol'skogo prikaza 1614 goda (Moscow, 1960), 5–14 Google Scholar; Shmidt, , Rossiiskoe gosudarstvo v seredine XVI stoletiia:Tsarskii arkhiv i lilsevye letopisi vremeni Ivana Groznogo (Moscow, 1984)Google Scholar; Martin, Russell E., “Royal Weddings and Crimean Diplomacy: New Sources on Muscovite Chancellery Practice during the Reign of Vasilii III,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 19 (1995): 389–427 Google Scholar.

21. Gal'tsov, Opis’ 1626, 1:314-15. The inventory reports that copies were made in 1624 of five weddings, of which it is possible to identify four among the extant manuscripts in the Treasure Room at RGADA: Vasilii III to Elena Glinskaia (in 1526—RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 8, fols. 4 - 6 [fragment]); Iurii Vasil'evich to Ul'iana Paletskaia (in 1547—RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 7); Ivan Vasil'evich (i.e., Ivan IV) to Anna Vasil'chikova (in 1574—RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 11); and Vasilii Shuiskii to Ekaterina Buinosova-Rostovskaia (in 1608—RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 13). The fifth wedding—Vladimir Staritskii to Evdokiia Odoevskaia (1555)—has evidently been lost. Prince Vladimir Staritskii was married twice: to Evdokiia Nagaia (in 1549) and to Evdokiia Odoevskaia (in 1555). No original documents survive for die Nagaia wedding, but a small, one-folio fragment of the wedding ceremonial for the Odoevskaia wedding does (RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 9). In all probability, the fragment is a surviving remnant of the original that served as the source for the 1624 copy mentioned in the archival inventory. An eighteenth-century copy of this fragment survives (RGADA, f. 156 [the Ceremonial Collection], op. 1, no. 4, fols. 1-1 v). See Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,“ 444-53. The inventory mentions another document that consists entirely of excerpts of sixteenth-century weddings; this was also copied in 1624 and also used as a model for Tsar Mikhail's wedding: “A collection of excerpts pertaining to the wedding of the sovereign, excerpted as a model in the year 7124 [1624] from the wedding descriptions of previous sovereigns, and which reveals who had served in ranks at previous royal weddings.“ Gal'tsov, Opis’ 1626 goda, 1:322. This document still survives (RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 3) and contains segments of four sixteenth-century weddings (Vasilii III to Elena Glinskaia, Ivan IV to Anastasiia Iur'eva, Iurii Vasil'evich to Ul'iana Paletskaia, and Ivan IV to Anna Vasil'chikova).

22. Copies were made of materials for Ivan IV's wedding to Anastasiia Iur'eva, including an inventory of chests (shkatuky) and the speech of Prince Daniil D. Pronskii (RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 5, fols. 9, 10). A copy of the wedding ceremonial for the First False Dmitrii (to Marina Mnishek) in 1606 (RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 12) also survives and may have been used, like the others, as a model for Tsar Mikhail's wedding. Its paleographical features are different, however: the watermark dates from slightly earlier (Dianova puts it at 1609-1612—see T. V Dianova,Filigran’ “kuvshin“XVII v. [Moscow, 1989],no. 145) and it contains no inscriptions in Gramotin's hand as most of the others do. Although no direct evidence supports it, one might wonder whether this text was produced in 1616 as a model for the first planned wedding of Mikhail Romanov (to Mariia Khlopova).

23. No copies made in the sixteenth century survive today, only originals (and of these, very few). Bychkova speculates, quite plausibly, that final versions of sixteenthcentury texts may have been reused as drafts for subsequent weddings and been destroyed in the process. Bychkova, Sostav, 105. See also Martin, “Royal Weddings and Crimean Diplomacy,” 392-93, 402-3; Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,” 290-97. Nazarov mentions other factors (fires, floods, archival reorganizations) that contributed to the high attrition rate of sixteenth-century wedding documents. Nazarov, “Svadebnye dela XVI veka,“ 110. The 1626 inventory of the Foreign Office Archive even mentions that some had been consumed by mice. Gal'tsov, Opis’ 1626, 1:312. The first wedding of Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich—planned in 1647 to Evfimiia Vsevolozhskaia and, after her disgrace, performed in 1648 to Mariia Miloslavskaia—stimulated research into previous wedding rituals as well, but, as far as can be determined on the basis of the surviving documentation, not at all on as vast a scale as happened in 1624. Copies include the muster (razriad) for die 1573 wedding of Prince Magnus and Mariia Vladimirovna Staritskaia (RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 10); and portions of documents from Tsar Mikhail's weddings (RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 14, fol. 47; no. 17, fols. 3-52; and no. 19, fol. 1). In the first and Uiird quarters of the eighteenth century, copies were produced for the purpose of preservation, rather than to serve as models for royal weddings (RGADA, f. 156, op. 1, nos. 1-10).

24. See die ceremonial for Iurii Vasil'evich and Ul'iana Paletskaia: a single cross marking the duties of die master of the horse; die muster for Ivan IV and Anna Vasil'chikova: seating arrangements for boyars and boyars’ wives and processions to Kremlin monasteries and to the church; the ceremonial for Vasilii Shuiskii: fifteen crosses marking passages dealing with seating arrangements, processions, and seating in the bride's sleds (RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 7, fol. 2; no. 11, fols. 6, 12, 18-19, 19a, and 20; and no. 13, fols. 1-12). In this last case, the marked passages were recopied into a new document consisting only of the fifteen selected passages: RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 13, fols. 13-16.

25. The “worksheet” is preserved along with fragmentary draft versions of die ceremonial and several musters. Worksheet: RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 14, fols. 1- 10,11, 23-25; ceremonial: fols. 12-23; musters: fols. 26-46, 48-52, 53-60, 61-119,120- 22. The other significant original documents from the 1624 wedding include an inventory of gifts sent to wedding participants and church hierarchs, letters to these hierarchs, and two related memoranda: RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 15, fols. 1-16 and 17-30; fols. 31-33; fols. 34-41; and RGADA, f. 396, op. 1, pt. 1, nos. 986 and 987.

26. The draft ceremonial can be found in RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 14, fols. 12-23. For changes to the groom's title, see fol. 14. For changes to the title of the first hierarch of the Russian Church, see fols. 13, 14, and 21; compare also DRV, 13:9-10.

27. GaVtsov, Opis'1626, 1:313.

28. RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 14, fols. 4 and 7.

29. Ibid., fol. 4. On Archpriest Maksim, see Smirnov, S. I., Drevne-russkii dukhovnik: Issledovaniepo istorii tserkovnago byta (Moscow, 1914), 252 Google Scholar.

30. DRV, 13:7.

31. See, for example, the wedding ceremonial of Andrei Staritskii in Martin, “Royal Weddings and Crimean Diplomacy,” 417 (fol. 6); and DRV, 13:24.

32. Levin, Eve, Sex and Society in the World of the Orthodox Slavs, 900-1700 (Ithaca, 1989), 89 Google Scholar. On contemporary practice, see [Fr.] Meyendorff, John, Marriage: An Orthodox Perspective (Crestwood, N.Y, 1984), 29–42 Google Scholar; Kollmann, Nancy Shields, By Honor Bound: State and Society in Early Modern Russia (Ithaca, 1999), 78 Google Scholar; Nachaev, V M., “Obrnchenie,” in Entsiklopedicheskii slovar', 41 vols, in 82 pts. plus 2 supplements (St. Petersburg, 1890-1907), 42:579–80Google Scholar.

33. RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 14, fol. 2.

34. DRV, 13:161.

35. Ibid., 13:8-9.

36. RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 14, fol. 7.

37. On the osypalo ritual, see Barkhudarov, S. G., ed., Sbvar’ russkogo iazyka XI-XWI vv. (Moscow, 1987), 13:173 Google Scholar; and Pouncy, Carolyn Johnston, ed. and trans., The “Domostroi“: Rules for Russian Households in the Time of Ivan the Terrible (Ithaca, 1994), 206 Google Scholar.

38. This passage can be found in the following weddings: Vasilii III to Elena Glinskaia (1526); Andrei Staritskii to Evfrosiniia Khovanskaia (1533); Iurii Vasil'evich to Ul'iana Paletskaia (1547); Vladimir Staritskii to Evdokiia Nagaia (1549); Tsarevich Mikhail Kaibulin to Mariia Liapunova (1623). DRV, 13:12, 25, 43, 52, and 66.

39. The person who delivered the speech is identified as the proxy father only in the ceremonial for Vladimir Staritskii (DRV, 13:46-47, 52). In the other weddings, the tsar performed this function since the groom was, in every case but one (Tsarevich Mikhail Kaibulin), his agnatic kinsman. At Vasilii Ill's wedding the person who gave the speech is identified only as “he who is to give away the grand princess gives her away at the doors and says a speech.“

40. DRV, 13:167.

41. Two other questions are treated in the worksheet. One pertains to the number of matchmakers (svakhi) who could fit in a sled during the procession to and from the church. The answer was obtained by asking Bogdan Glebov, who, in his capacity as royal groom (iasel'nichii), was responsible for the stables, carriages, and sleds used by the court (see RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 3, fol. 1; no. 14, fol. 5;DRV, 13:161). The other question asks which boyars’ wives were to accompany the bride on the morning of die second day of the wedding. Here the Shuiskii ceremonial again served as the key resource for identifying which women attended the new bride (see RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 13, fol. 10; no. 14, fol. 7;DRV, 13:152-53).

42. Mikhail's wedding: RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 14, fols. 1, 7-8; and no. 15, fols. 31-33. Previous weddings: Andrei Staritskii: RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 4, fols. 5, 10; Iurii Vasil'evich: DRV, 13:41, 44; Vladimir Staritskii: DRV, 13:50, 53; Tsar Simeon Kasaevich: DRV, 13:64, 68, 70, 71; and the Bel'skii-Shuiskii wedding: The Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Biblioteka Akademii nauk, hereafter BAN) 16.15.15, fols. 137v, 141-42.

43. Musicians are mentioned in the documentation for the weddings of Tsarevich Ivan Ivanovich to Evdokiia Saburova and Tsar Vasilii Shuiskii to Ekaterina Buinosova- Rostovskaia. BAN, 16.15.15, fol. 171v, and RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 13, fol. 12. Musicians performed at both of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich's weddings: to Mariia Dolgorukova, RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 14, fols. 121-22, and no. 15, fols. 15, 28, and to Evdokiia Streshneva, RGADA, f. 135, sec. TV, rubric II, no. 16, fol. 40v.

44. Kotošixin, Grigorii K. [Grigorii K. Kotoshikhin], O Rossii v carstvovanie Alekseja Mixajloviča, ed. Pennington, A. E. (Oxford, Eng., 1980), 27 Google Scholar; and Benjamin Phillip Uroff, “Grigorii Karpovich Kotoshikhin, ‘On Russia in the Reign of Alexis Mikhailovich': An Annotated Translation” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1970), 49-50, 328-39.

45. DRV, 13:19.

46. Ibid., 13:36.

47. Ibid., 13:144.

48. Ibid., 13:147; RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 16, fols. 7-8.

49. The portion of the wedding text in question reads: “Thou didst bless Thy servant Abraham, and opening the womb of Sarah didst make him to be the father of many nations. Thou didst give Isaac to Rebecca, and didst bless her in childbirth. Thou didst join Jacob unto Rachel, and from them didst bring forth the twelve patriarchs. Thou didst unite Joseph and Asenath, giving to them Ephraim and Manasseh as the fruit of their procreation. Thou didst accept Zachariah and Elizabeth, and didst make their offspring to be the Forerunner. From the root of Jesse according to the flesh, Thou didst bud forth the ever-virgin one, and were incarnate of her for the redemption of the human race.“

50. 1 Sam. 8-10, 15:10-16:13; 2 Sam. 2.

51. See Rowland, Daniel, “Moscow—The Third Rome or the New Israel?” Russian Reviewtt, no. 4 (October 1996): 591–614 Google Scholar.

52. DRV, 13:166-67.

53. Ibid., 13:25.

54. Ibid., 13:31.

55. RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 5, fol. 10.

56. The New Chronicle is published in Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei (hereafter PSRL), 43 vols, to date (Moscow, 1841-2004), 14:129. The reference in the chronicle is to one of several similar passages in the Book of Daniel, Dan. 4:14, 22, 29, 34.

57. See the Piskarev Chronicle in PSRL, 34:219 (fol. 676). The verse is taken from Ps. 32:6 (as enumerated in die Septuagint; or as Ps. 33:6 in the non-Orthodox arrangement of the Psalms; translation according to the King James Version).

58. PSRI, 34:219 (fol. 677). The verse is Rom. 11:34 (King James Version). Similarly, in numerous other sources, Mikhail is referred to as the “chosen of God” (Bog izbrannyi) or the “anointed of God” (Bogpomazannyi), expressions that, aldiough perhaps applicable to all monarchs, are particularly meaningful as a justification for founders of new dynasties. See, for example, Derzhavina, O. A. and Kolosova, E. V., eds., Skazanie Avraamiia Palitsyna (Moscow-Leningrad, 1955), 232–33Google Scholar. On biblical imagery applied in political settings, see Rowland, Daniel, “Biblical Military Imagery in the Political Culture of Early Modern Russia: The Blessed Host of the Heavenly Tsar,” in Flier, and Rowland, , eds., Medieval Russian Culture, 2:182–212 Google Scholar.

59. See DRV, 13:1-5.

60. Evfrosiniia is mentioned in the descriptions of Prince Vladimir's first wedding, but her name is omitted in descriptions of the second (DRV, 13:47, and BAN, 32.4.21, fol. 79; DRV, 13:80-86). At the first wedding she is mentioned as having consulted with her son on the selection of a bride and as having sat at the far end of the main banquet table.

61. DRV, 13:116-22; RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 12, fols. 1-18. On the roles of royal women in the Muscovite court, see Isolde Thyrêt, Between God and Tsar: Religious Symbolism and the Royal Women of Muscovite Russia (DeKalb, 2001).

62. Vasilii III: DRV, 13:11; Andrei Staritskii: RGADA, f. 135, sec. IV, rubric II, no. 4, fol. 7. (This element is missing from the text of DRV—see 13:24).

63. DRV, 13:147.

64. On marriage and dynasticism, see, for example: Zanger, Abby E., Scenes from the Marriage of Louis XIV: Nuptial Fictions and the Making of Absolutist Power (Stanford, 1997)Google Scholar; Brown, Elizabeth A. R., “The Political Repercussions of Family Ties in the Early Fourteenth Century: The Marriage of Edward II of England and Isabelle of France,” Speculum 63, no. 3 (July 1988): 573–95Google Scholar; and Brown, , “The Marriage of Edward II of England and Isabelle of France: A Postscript,” Speculum 64, no. 2 (April 1989): 373–79Google Scholar; Gregg, Edward, “'Power, Friends or Alliances': The Search for the Pretender's Bride,” Studies in History and Politics/Etudes d'Histoire et de Politique 4, no. 4 (1985): 35–54 Google Scholar; Lyndal Roper, ‘“Going to Church and Street': Weddings in Reformation Augsburg,” Past and Present 106 (February 1985): 62-101.

65. Daniel Kaiser, “Symbol and Ritual in the Marriages of Ivan the Terrible,” Russian History/Histoire Russe 14, nos. 1-4 (1987): 256, 257, 260-61.

66. Kollmann, Kinship and Politics, 209. See also Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,” 204-12.

67. See Martin, “Dynastic Marriage,” 289-341; and Martin, “Archival Sleuths and Documentary Transpositions,” 270-90.

68. Miller, “Creating Legitimacy,” 314.

69. See Dunning, Russia's First Civil War, 443; G. Edward Orchard, “The Election of Michael Romanov,” Slavonic and East European Review 67 (July 1989): 378-402; Platonov, Ocherkipo istorii smuty, 175-76, 424-33.

70. See the genealogy and royal commemorations in, for example, Gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii muzei, Voskresenie Collection, no. 66 (sinodikon of Tsarevna Tat'iana Mikhailovna), fols. 6, 59-70. See also Vinogradov, A., “'Rodoslovnoe drevo’ po pamiatnikam khristianskoi ikonografii,” in Sbornik Arkheologicheskogo instituta, vol. 3 (St. Petersburg, 1880)Google Scholar; Steindorff, Ludwig, “Mehr als eine Frage der Ehre: Zum Stifterverhalten Zar Ivans des Schreck Yichen,“ Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 51 (2003): 342–66Google Scholar; Steindorff, , “Vklady tsaria Ivana Groznogo v Iosifo-Volokolamskii monastyr',” Drevniaia Rus': Voprosy medievistiki 2, no. 8 (June 2002): 90–100 Google Scholar; and Martin, “Praying for the Dead in Muscovy: Kinship Awareness and Orthodox Belief in the Commemorations of Muscovite Royalty“ (unpublished manuscript).

71. Dunning, Russia's First Civil War, 443.