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Anti-Westernism on the European Periphery: The Meaning of Soviet-Turkish Convergence in the 1930s

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2017

Samuel J. Hirst
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Extract

A number of recent comparative works have drawn attention to parallels and similarities between the Soviet Union and the early Turkish Republic. In this article, Samuel J. Hirst takes a firmly transnational approach to Soviet-Turkish interactions in the 1930s to demonstrate that the similarities were not merely circumstantial. The manifest ideological conflict between nationalist Turks and internationalist Bolsheviks has led many historians to dismiss Soviet- Turkish cooperation as a necessary response to geopolitics, a pragmatic alliance against the west. Hirst argues that opposition to the western-dictated international order was a coherent element in Soviet-Turkish exchanges that stretched beyond diplomacy into the economic and cultural spheres. The antiwestern elements of Soviet-Turkish relations suggest that convergence was more than a case of homologous responses to similar conditions; it was part of a broader narrative that, in the Soviet case at least, continued to shape international relations beyond World War II.

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Slavic Review , Volume 72 , Issue 1 , Spring 2013 , pp. 32 - 53
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Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 2014

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References

The research and ideas in this article benefitted from interactions with many people. Here, I have room to thank only those who commented on this particular iteration: Katerina Clark, Adeeb Khalid, Stephen Kotkin, Benjamin Nathans, Michael A. Reynolds, and Jonathan Steinberg. I am particularly indebted to Derek Hirst, Peter Holquist, and Mark D. Steinberg.

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26. On this phase of Bolshevik-Turkish relations, see Yerasimos, Stefanos, Türk-Sovyet Ili$küeri: Ekim Devriminden ‘MUH Mücadele'ye (Istanbul, 1979);Google Scholar Gökay, Bülent, Soviet Eastern Policy and Turkey, 1920-1991: Soviet Foreign Policy, Turkey and Communism (London, 2006), 14–35.Google Scholar

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29. RGASPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 1990,1.8 (Chicherin to Aralov, 20 February 1923).

30. Manela argues that “the revolt against the West” was born in 1919 from the failure of the Paris Conferences to recognize the political aspirations of colonial peoples. The course of Soviet-Turkish relations, especially after independence for both states had been achieved, reveals that anti-westernism was a reaction, not only to political imperialism, but to economic imperialism as well. Manela, Wilsonian Moment, esp. 215-25. On Manela's neglect of the economics of the “Wilsonian moment,” see Karl, Rebecca, review of The Wilsonian Moment, American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1474–76.Google Scholar

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33. Ericson III Edward, E., Feeding the German Eagle, 1933-1941 (Westport, Conn., 1999), 12–17;Google Scholar Sevost'ianov, G. N., ed., Moskva-Rim: Politika i diplomatüa Kremlia, 19201939 (Moscow, 2003), esp. 5–8, 202.Google Scholar

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37. DokumentyvneshneipolitikiSSSR (DVP), vol. 15 (Moscow, 1969), 458 (Conversation with Mustafa Kemal and Ismet Pasha, 10 August 1932).

38. For one example of such debate, see Martin, Terry, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939 (Ithaca, 2001);Google Scholar Hirsch, Francine, Empire of Nations: Ethnographie Knowledge and the Making of the Soviet Union (Ithaca, 2005).Google Scholar For the Turkish periodization, see Tuncay, Mete, T.C.'nde Tek-Parti Yönetimi'nin Kurulmasi (1923-1931) (Ankara, 1981).Google Scholar

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43. AVP RF, f. 5, op. 10, pap. 68, d. 124,1. 21 (Diary of Karakhan's trip to Turkey, 27 December 1929).

44. Ibid., 1.2 (Political evaluation of Karakhan's trip, 1 January 1930).

45. Basbakanhk Cumhuriyet Arşivi (BCA), 30.1.0.0/1.5.32,3 (ismet to Mustafa Kemal, 15 December 1929).

46. Collins, F. W., “Turkey and Soviet in Closer Accord,” New York Times, 19 December 1929.Google Scholar See also the London Times's report that associated Turkey's new economic policy with Karakhan's visit: The Times, 13 March 1930.

47. In the 1920s, Kaya, Sükrü and Ağaoğlu, Ahmet still used the French “etatist.“ DVP, vol. 8 (Moscow, 1963), 57 (Conversation between Surits and şükrü Kaya, 13 January 1925);Google Scholar AVP RF, f. 4, op. 39, pap. 242, d. 53268,1.175 (Conversation between Potemkin and Agaoglu, 31 March 1927). On statist continuity, see Kuruc, Bilsay, Mustafa Kemal Döneminde Ekonomi (Ankara, 1987);Google Scholar Boratav, Korkut, Türkiye iktisat Tarihi, 1908-2002,9th ed. (Ankara, 2005), 39–40.Google Scholar

48. AVP RF, f. 4, op. 39, pap. 242, d. 53268,1.175 (Conversation with Ahmet Ağaoğlu, 31 March 1927); AVP RF, f. 5, op. 10, pap. 68, d. 124,1.2 (Surits to Karakhan, 1 January 1930).

49. AVP RF, f. 5, op. 12, pap. 86, d. 72,1.11 (Karakhan to Surits, 21 January 1932).

50. DVP, vol. 15:345 (Karakhan to Petrovskii, 31 May 1932).

51. On the Kadro movement, see Türkes, Mustafa, “A Patriotic Leftist DevelopmentStrategy Proposal in Turkey in the 1930s: The Case of the Kadro (Cadre) Movement,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001);Google Scholar Türkes, Mustafa, UlusÇu Sol BirAkim: Kadro Hareketi, 1932-1934 (Ankara, 1999);Google Scholar Tekeli, Ilhan and Ilkin, Selim, Bir Cumhuriyet öyküsü: Kadroculan ve Kadro'yu Anlamak (Istanbul, 2003).Google Scholar

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53. Kadro 1, no. 1 (January 1932): 1.

54. Atay, Falih Rifki, Yeni Rusya (Ankara, 1931), 171–72.Google Scholar

55. Kadro 2, no. 10 (October 1933): 4. ismet's Statement was also published in Cumhuriyet, 31 October 1933.

56. Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Zabit Ceridesi ﹛TBMM) (Ankara, 1983), d. 4, c. 9, b. 76, s. 447 (2 July 1932).

57. TBMM, d. 3, c. 21, b. 84, s. 46 (2 October 1930).

58. Ibid., s. 59.

59. DVP, vol. 15: 344-48 (Karakhan to Petrovskii, 31 May 1932).

60. BCA, 30.10.0.0/200.362.11,2 (Report on Soviet agriculture, 21 June 1932).

61. BCA, 30.10.0.0/200.362.16, 2 (Moscow Embassy's report of Celal Bayar's trip, 14 August 1935).

62. BCA, 30.10.0.0/248.678.28,1 (1 November 1933).

63. TNA, PRO, FO 424/276 E 2711/449/44 (Clerk to Simon, 19 May 1932).

64. On Voroshilov's proximity to Stalin, see Sabin Dullen [Sabine Dullin], Stalin i ego diplomaty: Sovetskü Soiuz i Evropa 1930-1939 gg,, trans. E. M. Kustovaia (Moscow, 2009), 22.

65. AVP RF, f. 5, op. 11, pap. 78, d. 94,1. 9 (Karakhan to Surits, 10 October 1931); AVP RF, f. 5, op. 12, pap. 86, d. 72,1.15 (Karakhan to Surits, 20 March 1932).

66. DVP, vol. 14 (Moscow, 1968), 744-45 (29 December 1931); on the economic orientation of the Turkish delegation, see ilhan Tekeli and Selim ilkin, Uygulamaya Gegerken Türkiyede Devletgiligin Oluşumu (Ankara, 1982), 138.

67. RGASPI, f. 82, op. 2, d. 1330,1. 6 (Surits to Karakhan, 26 April 1932).

68. “Soviet Women Wear Evening Garb at Ball,” New York Times, 30 April 1932.

69. AVP RF, f. 5, op. 13, pap. 93, d. 59 (Surits to Karakhan, 5 August 1933). On Voroshilov's success in interesting Turks in the Soviet military, see BCA, 30.10.0.0/46.293.4 (Cevdet's report on military maneuvers in the Kiev region, Autumn 1934); BCA, 30.10.0.0/46.293.5 (Zeki Dogan's report on military maneuvers in Ukraine, Autumn 1934); BCA, 30.18.1.2/49.80.14 (Decision to send a delegation to the Soviet Union for the purchase of war materials, 28 November 1934).

70. RGASPI, f. 74 (Personal collection of Kliment Voroshilov), op. 2, d. 42,1.116 (Maksim Litvinov to Voroshilov, 4 September 1933); AVP RF, f. 5, op. 13, pap. 93, d. 59,11.12-13 (Litvinov to Georgii Astakhov, 9 October 1933); Stalin objected because he would be on vacation at the time and Kuibyshev, who would be the senior Bolshevik left in Moscow, was liable to go on a drinking binge. See Kosheleva, L., Lei‘chuk, V., Naumov, V., and others, Pis'ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu: 1925-1936 gg, (Moscow, 1995), 247,149.Google Scholar

71. BCA, 30.18.1.2/40.71.20 (17 October 1933).

72. TNA, PRO, FO 424/279 E 6992/130/44 (James Morgan to John Simon, 10 November 1933). Voroshilov's visit to the Turkish Ministry of Defense is confirmed in BCA, 30.10.0.0/198.352.14 (Program of the Soviet visit, 27 October 1933).

73. DVP, vol. 16 (Moscow, 1970), 592 (Surits to NKID, 28 October 1933).

74. Ibid.

75. DVP, vol. 16: 600 (Surits to NKID, 31 October 1933).

76. Laue, Theodore von, Sergei Witte and the Industrialization of Russia (New York, 1963), 57;Google Scholar ZaferToprak, , Türkiye'de Milli tktisat, 1908-1918 (Ankara, 1982), 170–71;Google Scholar Asim, Karaömerlioglu M., “Helphand-Parvus and His Impact on Turkish Intellectual Life,” Middle Eastern Studies 40, no. 6 (November 2004): 145–65.Google Scholar

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78. DVP, vol. 15:303 (Record of a conversation with Ismet Pasha, 6 May 1932).

79. Szporluk, Roman has highlighted the Listian elements of Soviet economics in Communism and Nationalism: Karl Marx versus Friedrich List (Oxford, 1988), 216.Google Scholar

80. In addition to the sources noted above, key expositions of the state's role in Soviet and Turkish Republican politics, both made with explicit reference to European economic power, can be found in: Lenin, Vladimir II'ich, “Doklad o kontsessiiakh: Sobranie aktiva moskovskoi organizatsii RKP (b) (6 dekabria 1920 g.),” Polnoe sobranie sochinenü (Moscow, 1969), 42:55–78, esp. 77; and Kemal, Mustafa's speech at the izmir Fair in August 1935, quoted in Kuruc, Mustafa Kemal Döneminde Ekonomi, 136.Google Scholar Stephen F. Cohen's biography of Nikolai Bukharin contains excellent coverage of early Bolshevik debates about the role of the State. Cohen, , Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution: A Political Biography, 1888-1938 (New York, 1973)Google Scholar.

81. See also Tooze, Adam, The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking ofthe Nazi Economy (New York, 2007), xxiv, 660.Google Scholar

82. Gerschenkron, Alexander, Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective: A Book of Essays (New York, 1965).Google Scholar

83. On eulture and the Soviet and Turkish states, see Fitzpatrick, Sheila, The Cultural Front: Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia (Ithaca, 1992);Google Scholar Groys, Boris, The Total Art of Stalinism: Avant-Garde, Aesthetic Dictatorship, and Beyond (Princeton, 1992);Google Scholar öztürk, Serdar, “Karagöz Co-opted: Turkish Shadow Theatre of the Early Republic (1923-1945),“ Asian Theater Journal 23, no. 2 (Fall 2006): 292–313.Google Scholar

84. Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv literatury i iskusstva (RGALI), f. 3070, op. 1, d. 503,1.1 (Report of trip to Turkey, delivered at the Russian Association of Revolutionary Cinematography, RossARK, 16 January 1934).

85. Ibid., 1.4.

86. Ibid., 1.5.

87. Ibid., 11.12-13.

88. RGALI, f. 350, op. 1, d. 40,1.1 (published in Izvestiia, 28 October 1933).

89. Ibid. Nikulin and other Soviet writers used the words oriental'nyi and ekzoticheskii interchangeably and sarcastically. Although the Soviet usage did not have all the nuances of Edward Said's “Orientalism,” there was unquestionably a note of criticism. Vera Tolz writes that Said was not aware of Soviet scholars’ works on the subject, but she establishes an intellectual link between the two in Anwar Abdel-Malek, who cites the latter and was cited by the former. Tolz, “European, National, and (Anti-) Imperial: The Formation of Academic Oriental Studies in Late Tsarist and Early Soviet Russia,” Kritika 9, no. 1 (Winter 2008): 79.

90. Shub, Esfir’ Il'inichna, Zhizri moia—kinematograf(Moscow, 1972), 348–49.Google Scholar

91. Karaosmanoğlu, Yakup Kadri, “Ankara—Moskova—Roma,” Kadro 1, no. 10 (October 1932): 41–42.Google Scholar

92. Atay, YeniRusya, 170.

93. DVP, vol. 15:456 (Surits to NKID, 9 August 1932).

94. Ibid.

95. Vera Tolz argues that Marr and other Russian academics were frustrated by what they perceived as European arrogance. Tolz, “European, National, and (Anti-) Imperial,” 75.

96. DVP, vol. 16: 216 (Astakhov to the NKID, 3 April 1933).

97. Nikulin was present at the meeting between Marr and Mustafa Kemal and has left a detailed account. RGALI, f. 350, op. 1, d. 59,1.33.

98. Marr, Ibid Nikolai, 0 lingvisticheskoi poezdke v Vostochnoe Sredizemnomor'e (Leningrad, 1934), 21.Google Scholar

100. Zhukovskii, P. M., Zemledel'cheskaia Turtsiia (Leningrad, 1933), xxv.Google Scholar

101. TBMM, d. 4, c. 25, b. 1, s. 4 (1 November 1934).

102. Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF), f. 5283, op. 4, d. 142,1. 29 (Linde to Kulebko, 5 December 1934).

103. Ibid., 1.35 (Program of radio concert for Turkey, 20 December 1934).

104. DVP, vol. 18 (Moscow, 1973), 177 (Karakhan to NKID, 14 March 1935).

105. RGALI, f. 648, op. 2, d. 996,1. 9.

106. Ulus, 16 April 1935; Aksam, 13 May 1935.

107. RGALI, f. 648, op. 2, d. 996,1. 9.

108. Ibid., 1.11.

109. Released in the Soviet Union as Ankara-Serdtse Turtsii and in Turkey as Türkiye'nin Kalbi Ankara, the original Version of the film had audible Turkish dialogue and Russian-language intertitles.

110. GARF, f. 5283, op. 4, d. 55,1. 24 (NKID to Sovkino, 6 May 1930).

111. Ulus, 19 October 1933.

112. RGALI, f. 2003, op. 1, d. 61 (“Chelovek, kotoryi ne ubil“). The title of the screenplay itself was an implicit criticism of a European Orientalist novel by the French author Claude Farrere, The Man Who Killed, with which the Soviet artists were familiär. Farer, Klod [Claude Farrere], Chelovek, kotoryi ubil (Paris, 1921).Google Scholar

113. Ulus, 26 November 1933.

114. RGALI, f. 3070, op. 1, d. 1327,1.98 (Interview with Zarkhi, April 1933).

115. “Serdtse Turtsii—beseda s rezhisserom S. I. Iutkevichem,” Krasnaia gazeta, 26 January 1934.

116. RGALI, f. 3070, op. 1, d. 1327,1. 56.

117. Gor'kovskaia kommuna, 21 June 1934; Proletarn, 14 May 1934; Zaria Vostoka, 18 June 1934; Krasnaia Bashkiriia, 6 January 1934; Sovetskaia Abkhaziia, 14 July 1934.

118. GARF, f. 5283, op. 4, d. 142,11.129-30; Cumhuriyet, 3 March 1934.

119. Haber, 19 February 1934.

120. Milliyet, 27 April 1934.

121. Son Posta, 26 April 1934.

122. BCA, 30.10.0.0/146.43.20,2 (Hikmet Bayur to tsmet Inönü, 20 March 1934).

123. Burhan Asaf, “Türkiye'nin kalbi-Ankara,” Ulus, 25 March 1934.

124. Ibid.

125. Falih Rifki Atay, “Iki örnek,” Ulus, 25 October 1933.

126. RGALI, f. 2003, op. 2, d. 3,1. 2 (9 June 1933).

127. RGALI, f. 3070, op. 1, d. 1327,1.19.

128. Ibid.

129. Ibid., 1.30 (9 August 1933).

130. Kotkin, Stephen, Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as Civilization (Berkeley, 1995), 78.Google Scholar

131. Asaf, “Türkiye'nin Kalbi.“

132. Krasnaia zvezda, 6 May 1934.

133. AVP RF, f. 5, op. 15, pap. 110, d. 86,1.8 (NKID internal report, 28 May 1935).

134. Selim Deringil also concludes that a fear of Italy was the dominant factor in 1930s Turkish foreign policy. Deringil, Turkish Foreign Policy during the Second World War: An “Active” Neutrality (Cambridge, Eng., 1989), 7.

135. Burds, Jeffrey, “The Soviet War against ‘Fifth Columnists': The Case of Chechnya, 1942-1944,” Journal of Contemporary History 42, no. 2 (April 2007): 267–314.Google Scholar

136. On the development of Soviet-Turkish hostility, see Gasanly, Dzhamil, SSSRTurtsiia: Ot neitraliteta k kholodnoi voine, 1939-1953 (Moscow, 2008);Google Scholar Zubok, , Failed Empire, 36–40.Google Scholar