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The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

John C. Murray
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Extract

With the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne of France, there began one of the most intellectually fruitful periods in French history. The French suddenly had a greater freedom than had been enjoyed for some time, and as Lamartine tells us, “scarcely was the Empire overturned, when people began to think, to write, and to sing again in France. … All that had been hitherto silent now began to speak.” In politics, all sides had powerful spokesmen. But the old regime, suddenly given a new lease on life, seldom before had been favored with such brilliant apologists as Chateaubriand, Bonald, Lamen-nais, and Joseph de Maistre, the prophète du passé. One thing should be made clear. That Maistre's political thought was superior to that of the others of this school, there can be little doubt. But that Maistre was the chief exponent of the reaction during the Restoration is a fact rather falsely assumed of at least open to exceeding doubt.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Review of Politics , Volume 11 , Issue 1 , January 1949 , pp. 63 - 86
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1949

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References

1 de Lamartine, Alphonse, History of the Restoration of the Monarchy in France, (London, 1865), I, p. 498.Google Scholar

2 Dickinson, G. L., Revolution and Reaction in Modern France (New York, 1927), p. 75. 63Google Scholar

3 de Rémusat, Charles, “Du Traditionalisme,” Revue des Deux Mondes, vol. 9, 2e per., (1 05 1857), p. 48. The author further states that, “Je ne serais pas étonné que, sous la restauration, les écrits de M. de Maistre eussent été fort peu répandu; je l' affirmerais pour ceux de M. de Bonald.”Google Scholar

4 This is clearly indicated by the entries in the General Catalogue of the Bibliotheque Nationale of new editions and/or new printings of the works of Maistre. Thus, for instance, the Considérations, in the first forty-seven years following its publication has seven such entries; twenty-three suddenly appear in the next thirty-seven years. Du pape has two entries up through 1835, thirty-eight more appear between 1836 and 1880. Guérard, Albert has pointed out that “Joseph de Maistre, hailed as a genius by his partisans in his own lifetime, did not secure universal recognition until thirty years later.” French Prophets of Yesterday (New York, 1913), p. 26.Google Scholar

5 Considérations, Oeuvres Complètes (Lyons, 1884), I, p. 17, 18.Google Scholar

6 1 May 1820, Oeuvres, XIV, p. 226.Google Scholar

7 25 March 1920, Ibid., p. 215.

8 18 May 1820, Ibid., p. 366–369, and 2 January 1821, Ibid., p. 369–372.

9 Baston, G. A. R., Réclamation pour l'Eglise de France et pour la vérité, contre l'ourrage de M. de Maistre, intitulé: Du Pape (Paris, 1821)Google ScholarCharlety, speaks of “les doctrines ultramontaines que J. de Maistre avait produites en 1819 dans le Pape, au grand scandale du haut clergé et des ultras.” La Restauration, p. 209,Google Scholar in Lavisse, E., Histoire de France contemporaine (Paris, 1921), vol. IV.Google Scholar

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11 Les Soirées de Saint-Pétersbourg, Oeuvres, IV, p. 33.Google Scholar

12 Ibid., V. p. 5.

13 Faguet, Emile, Politiques et Moralistes du XIX siecle (Paris, 1891), Ire sér., p. 54.Google ScholarPaillette, C. warns the reader of Maistre to be careful lest “l'on prend pour une affirmation monstreuse quelque brilliant paradoxe qui fut ecrit avec demi-sourire.” La Politique de Joseph de Maistre (Paris, 1895), p. 4.Google Scholar

14 Considérations, Oeuvres, I, p. 107.Google Scholar

15 In a letter to the learned critic and publisher of Du Pape, de Place, M. G.-M. (28 Sept. 1818), Maistre says, “…on n'a rien fait contre les opinions tant qu'on n'a pas attaqué les personnes.” Oeuvres, XIV, p. 150.Google Scholar Maistre's friend Bonald constantly criticised the philosophes for employing this same technique. See his Mélanges litter aires, poliliques, et philosophiques (Paris, 1819), I, p. 242 ff., and II, p. 204 ff.Google Scholar

16 French Personalities and Problems (New York, 1946), p. 81.Google Scholar

17 Soirees, Oeuvres, IV, pp. 208–210.Google Scholar

18 Examen de la philosophic de Bacon, Oeuvres, VI, p. 8.Google Scholar Maistre purposely misinterprets here for the simple reason of putting across an insult. A few pages previous he had clarified the meaning of Bacon's title by saying “Il n'y a point de nouvel organe, ou pour parler franjais, de nouvel instrument avec lequel oh puisse atteindre ce qui était inaccessible a nos devanciers.” Ibid., p. 5.

19 Soirées, Ocuvrcs, IV, pp. 359–360, 371.Google Scholar

20 Saint-Beuve, , “Joseph de Maistre,” Les Grands Écrirains Français (Paris, 1930), X, p. 54.Google Scholar

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23 Vermale, F., “Les Origines des ‘Considérations sur la France’ de Joseph de Maistre,” Revue D'Histoire Littéraire de la France, vol. 33 (1926), p. 523. The reference is to Constant's De la force du government actuel et de la nécessité de s'y rallier (April 1796).Google Scholar

24 Considerations, Oeuvres, I, p. 8.Google Scholar

25 Ibid., pp. 4–7.

26 Ibid., p. 80.

27 Ibid., p. 54.

28 Ibid., p. 99.

29 Ibid., p. 99.

30 Ibid., pp. 12–21. For instances of criticism of the émigrés, see, Ibid., pp. 148 ff., and 145 fn. 2.

31 Ibid., p. 122.

32 Ibid., p. 113.

33 Ibid., p. 113.

34 Ibid., p. 145.

35 Ibid.

36 Ibid., p. 157.

37 “Or, ce qu'on se rappelle surtout de la Révolution, en 1815, c'est la souffrance qu'elle a causée. La Révolution, ce n'est plus, à cette date, une grande idée vivante; ce n'est pas encore, comme pour nous, une grand idée que 1'inertie sociale a fait partiellement avorter; c'est le souvenir de choses atroces, la guillotine, les guerres civiles et étrangeres, les émigrations, les invasions, les confiscations, la misère des assignats, la terreur perpétuelle, et, comme couronnement, la défaite et l'anarchie.” Cresson, André, Les Courants de la Pensée philosophique jrançaise (Paris, 1927), II, p. 65.Google Scholar

38 See the “Notice Biographique“ by de Maistre, Rudolphe prefacing the Oeuvres Complètes, I. pp. xi–xii.Google Scholar

39 Maistre, carefully observed that “another very deadly error is to attach oneself too rigidly to ancient monuments. Without doubt, it is necessary to respect them, but it is especially necessary to consider what the juriconsults call the last condition. Every free constitution is by its nature variable, and variable in proportion as it is free; to wish to revive it in its rudiments, without pulling down any of it, is a foolish enterprise.” Considération, Ouerres, I, pp. 98–99.Google Scholar In L'Eglise Gallicane, Maistre, points out that “Les grandes sécousses morales, religieuses ou politiques, laissent toujours quelques choses après elles. … On vit alors ce qu'on verra éternellement dans toutes les révolutions: elles finissent, mais l'esprit qui les enfante leur survit.” Oeurres, III, pp. 3–4.Google Scholar In Du Pape, Maistre, insists that constitutions have invariably come about “par le melange de differents éléments qui, s'étant d'abord choqués, ont fini par se pénétrer et se tranquilliser.” Oeuvres, II, p. 233.Google Scholar

40 Mémoire, 1810, cited in Blanc, , Mémoires Politiques et Correspondance Diplomatique de J. de Maistre (Paris, 1858), p. 360.Google Scholar To the des Etoles, Baron Vignet, Maistre, wrote: “Soyez persuadé, monsieur, que fortifier le monarchie, il faut l'asseoir sur les lois, éviter l'arbitraire, les commissions fréquentes, les mutations continuelles d'emplois et les tripots ministeriels.” Lettres et Opuscules inedits du Comte de Maistre (1851)Google Scholar, cited in Blanc, , loc. cit., p. 369.Google Scholar

41 de Remusat, C., loc. cit., p. 245.Google Scholar

42 In speaking of Proudhon, , Father Lubac says, “Ce n'est pas lui qui a, si l'on peut dire, lancé Dieu dans la bagarre. Dans les annees où il commence d'écrire, la religion traditionelle, depuis longtemps employèe à soutenir la 'Légitimité, est appelée de nouveau au secours de la ‘Propriété.’ Celle-ci est la nouvelle Idole, et le Dieu des chrétiens est réquisitionné à son service.” Proudhon et le Christianisme (Paris. 1945), p. 197.Google Scholar

43 Ibid., p. 198.

44 See, Vermale, F., Notes sur Joseph de Maistre Inconnu (Chambery, 1921),Google Scholar especially chapters 1 and 6. See also, Vermale, F., La franc-maçonnerie savoisienne à l'époque révolutionnaire d'après ses registres secrets (Paris, 1912)Google Scholar and Goyau, G., La Pénsee Re-ligieuse de Joseph de Maistre (Paris, 1921).Google Scholar

45 Éloge de Victor Amédée III (1775), cited in Mandoul, J., Un homme d'état italien, Joseph de Maistre, et la politique de la maison de savoi (Paris, 1900), p. 21.Google Scholar

46 “Représentez-vous la naissance de la société: voyez ces hommes, las du pouvoir de toute faire, réunis en foule autour des autels sacrés de la patrie qui vient de naître: tous abdiquent volontairement une partie de lew liberté; tous consentent à faire courber les volontés particulières sous le sceptre de la volonté générate, la hiérarchie sociale va se former.” Cited in Goyau, , loc. cit., p. 6.Google Scholar The greatest source of information on Maistre in the period prior to the Revolution is to be found in the two works of Descostes, F., Joseph de Maistre avant la Révolution, 1894Google Scholar and Joseph de Maitre orateur (Chambery, 1896).Google Scholar

47 Considérations, Oeuvres, I, p. 28–34.Google Scholar

48 Étude sur la Souveraineté, Oeuvres, I. pp. 311–312.Google Scholar

49 Ibid., pp. 419–420.

50 Ibid., p. 313.

51 Ibid., p. 313.

52 Ibid., p. 417.

53 Du Pape, Oeuvres, II, p. 178.Google Scholar

54 Ibid., p. 255.

55 Ibid., p. 157.

56 Faguet, É., loc. cit., p. 1.Google Scholar

57 Du Pape, Oeuvres, II, p. 178.Google Scholar

58 Ibid., p. 274, fn. 1.

59 Ibid.

60 Considérations, Oeuvres, I, p. 19.Google Scholar

61 Blanc, A., loc. cit., p. 377.Google Scholar

62 Étude, Oeuvres, I, p. 328.Google Scholar

63 Étude, Oeuvres, I, p. 494.Google Scholar In 1807, a similar formula was repeated in the Memoir for Prince Czartorsky, : “Ce qui arrivera ensuite importe assez peu au monde. L'universe entier doit être renversé dans ce bouleversement général; je vote pour Ies meilleurs gouvernements, c'est à dire pour ceux qui doivent donner le plus grand bonheur possible au plus grand nombre d'hommes possible. Que ce soit, au reste, celui-ci ou celui-la, encore une Ida, qu'importe?“Google ScholarBlanc, A., loc. cit., p. 283.Google Scholar

64 Étude, Oeuvres, I, p. 502.Google Scholar

65 Ibid., p. 486.

66 Essai, Oeuvres, I, p. 241–242. Except for certain necessary changes, the writer has utilized the anonymous translations of the Essay which appeared in Boston in 1847.Google Scholar

67 Considérations, Oeuvres, I, p. 57.Google Scholar

68 Essai, Oeuvres, I, p. 300.Google Scholar

69 Considérations, Oeuvres, I, p. 56.Google Scholar

70 Essai, Oeuvres, I, p. 269.Google Scholar

71 Morley, John, Critical Miscellanies (New York, 1879), p. 151.Google Scholar

72 Goyau, G., loc. at., pp. 195–218.Google Scholar

73 Essai, Oeuvres, I, p. 243.Google Scholar

74 Ibid., p. 246.

75 Ibid., p. 246–247.

76 Ibid., p. 247.

77 Ibid., p. 244.

78 Ibid., p. 251.

79 Considération, Oeuvres, I, p. 87.Google Scholar

80 Essai, Oeuvres, I, p. 244.Google Scholar

81 Ibid., p. 240.

82 Ibid., p. 244.

83 Ibid., p. 264.

84 Burke, E., Reflections on the Revolution in France and other Essays (London, 1910), p. 84.Google Scholar

85 Étude, Oeuvres, I, p. 375.Google Scholar

86 Du Pape, Oeuvres, II, p. 171.Google Scholar

87 Ibid., p. 173–175.

88 Ibid., p. 176.

89 Maistre's exact statement was this: “Mais s'il fallait absolument en venir à poser des bornes légates à la puissance souveraine, j'opinerais de tout mon coeur pour que les intérêts de l'humanité fussent confiés au Souverain Pontife.” Ibid., p. 182.

90 Ibid., pp. 182–183.

91 See the letter to de Rossi, M. le Chevalier (14 12. 1804), Oeuvres, IX, pp. 290–292.Google Scholar

92 See Vermale, F., “Les Origines de ‘Pape’ de J. de Maistre,” Revue D'Histoire littéraire de la France, vol. 35 (1928), pp. 64–72.Google Scholar

93 Mandoul, J., loc. cit., p. 253; for the author's further comments, see also p. 299.Google Scholar

94 See Lamennais' letter of 2 Jan. 1821 to Maistre, , Oeuvres, XIV, p. 369–372.Google Scholar

95 Soirées, Oeuvres, V, pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

96 Ibid., p. 2. Here, Maistre is quoting La Bruyère from memory.

97 Considérations, Oeurres, I, p. 28.Google Scholar

98 Ibid., p. 33.

99 Soirées, Oeurres, V, p. 3.Google Scholar

100 Ibid., p. 3–4.

101 Ibid., p. 14.

102 Ibid., p. 22.

103 Ibid., p. 24.

104 Ibid., p. 25.

105 Ibid., p. 26.

106 Considérations, Otuvtes, I, p. 39.Google Scholar

107 Ibid.

108 Soirees, Oeurres, V, p. 21.Google Scholar

109 Lanson, G.: “J. de Maistre prend un malin plaisir à exagérer atrocement le regne du mal sur la terre.” Histoire de la littérature française (Paris, 17th ed., 1922), p. 909.Google Scholar An anonymous writer, completely stunned, has remarked that Maistre can “cause the brain to swim, the foot to stagger. … All you have been taught to look upon as embodied evil stands forth in a garb of light.” “De Maistre and Romanism,” North American Review, vol. 79 (1854), p. 284.Google Scholar

110 See, Dermenghen, E., Joseph de Maistre, mystique (Paris, 1926, the 2nd ed. appeared in 1947)Google Scholar. During the late war, there appeared in France a little volume of quotations from Maistre. The subjects presented are significant of the present valuation of Maistre, e.g. Providence, the Problem of Evil, the Rerversibility of Merits, the Christian Mission of France, the Union of the Churches, Infallibility, Maistre and the Probléme mystique. Petiot, A, Le Message de Joseph de Maistre (Paris, 1942).Google Scholar

111 Considérations, Oeuvres, I, pp. 39–40.Google Scholar

112 It is not surprising to find that Baudelaire found a source of inspiration in Maistre. The apologist of evil has been supplemented by the aesthetician of evil. In his Journaux intimes, Baudelaire wrote that “De Maistre et Edgar Poe m'ont appris à raissonner.” Cited, Alphonsus, Mother Mary, The Influence of Joseph de Maistre on Baudelaire, Doctoral dissertationcirc; (Bryn Mawr, Penna., 1943), frontispiece.Google Scholar

113 Laski, H. J., Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty (New Haven, 1917), p. 212.Google ScholarHoldsworth, H., in his capable, exhaustive, and critical study of Maistre, could only refer to Laski's article as an “étude curieuse.” Joseph de Maistre et L'Angleterre, vol. 108 of the Bibliothèque de la Revue de Littérature Comparée (Paris, 1935), p. 294.Google Scholar

114 A recent writer, after a detailed consideration of the thought of Maistre, has come to the conclusion that, “De Maistre — it must be insisted — is primarily a jurist. He is the last representative of that line of jurists descending from Beaumanoir, the ‘father’ of French jurisprudence, and running through Bouthillier, Jean de Mares, Rageau, L'Hom-meau, Loisel, Domat, D'Aguesseau, Barbeyrac, Bergier. These men were all conservatives, and bent on effecting a fusion of Roman law with theological principles. All shared in the adherence to the monarchical form, of whose advantages they were convinced champions, and which they justified with the Roman axiom quod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem.” Gianturco, Elio, “Juridical Culture and Politico-Historical Judgment in Joseph de Maistre,” The Romanic Review, vol. 27 (1937), p. 254–255.Google Scholar See the same author's Joseph de Maistre and Giambattista Vico (Washington, D. C, 1937).Google Scholar

115 See the chapter on Maistre in Viatte, A., Let sources occuhes du romantisme, vols. 46, 47 of the Bibliothéque de la Revue de Littérature Comparée, Paris (1928), II, pp. 64–95.Google Scholar

116 See, for instance, Lucas-Dubreton, J., The Restoration and the July Monarchy, (New York, 1929), pp. 20–30Google Scholar, and also, Charlety, , loc. at., p. 83.Google Scholar

117 “For a rationalized exposition of historical pessimism one shall have to turn to the writings of men like Thomas Robert Malthus, Edmund Burke, or Joseph de Maistre.” Helleiner, K. F., “Essay on the Rise of Historical Pessimism in the Nineteenth Century,” Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, vol. 8 (1942), p. 526.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

118 Cited in Artz, F. B., France under the Bourbon Restoration (Cambridge, 1931), p. 350.Google Scholar

119 Considérations sur la marche des idées, Paris (1934 ed.), II, p. 183.Google Scholar

120 Brunetiére, F., La Grande Encyclopedic, vol. 22, p. 1019.Google Scholar

121 See Holdsworth, F., loc. cit., p. 248.Google ScholarPaulhan, F., Joseph de Maistre et sa philosophic (Paris, 1893), p. 5.Google ScholarFaguet, E. said, “Il était libéral … en ce sens qu'il était parlementaire, qu'il était aristocrate, qu'il etait pour tous les priviléges des ordres et des corps constitués.” Journal de Débats, 17 08 1895Google Scholar, cited in Mandoul, , loc. cit., p. 8Google Scholar, fn. 4. “Et ce légitimiste renforcé, en fait, était assez libéral, à la façon de nos anciens magistrate du Parlement.” Lanson, G., loc. cit., p. 909.Google Scholar

122 See Roche, A. V., Les Idées Traditionalistes en France de Rivarol à Charles Maurras (Urbana, Illinois, 1937).Google Scholar

123 L'Action Française, vol. 4, no. 38, (15 01. 1901), pp. 147–153.Google Scholar