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Necessity and Principle: Woodrow Wilson's Views

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Extract

WoodrowWilson continues to arouse remarkably sharp and sustained controversy among those concerned with the recent revival of interest in the problem of ethics in foreign policy. Much of this debate is joined over the apparent antithesis between ethical demands for amicable cooperation among states and a compulsion to adopt antagonistic policies in order to survive in the rough and tumble of international politics. One side in this debate regards Wilson as the exemplar of sane views; the other attacks him as the chief symbol of naive misunderstanding.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1960

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References

1 Wolfers, Arnold and Martin, Laurence W., eds., The Anglo-American Tradition in Foreign Affairs (New Haven, 1956), pp. 148, 157Google Scholar.

2 David Hume offered an example of a particularly explicit compromise when he asserted that “there is a system of morals calculated for princes, much more free than that which ought to govern private persons … though the intercourse of states be advantageous, and even sometimes necessary, yet it is not so necessary nor advantageous as that among individuals, without which it is utterly impossible for human nature ever to subsist. Since, therefore, the natural obligation to justice, among different states, is not so strong as among individuals, the moral obligation which arises from it must partake of its weakness, and we must necessarily give a greater indulgence to a prince or minister who deceives another than to a private gentleman who breaks his word of honour.” Ibid., pp. 69–70.

3 Heckscher, August, The Politics of Woodrow Wilson (New York, 1956), pp. 56, 72Google Scholar.

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6 Ibid., V, 3; 1, 442.

7 Ibid., III, 142.

8 Ibid., I, 412. The accent on neighborhood is an echo of his mentor Edmund Burke, who had asserted a “law of neighborhood which does not leave a man perfect master on his own ground.”

9 The phrase is taken from Link, Arthur S., Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era (New York, 1954), p. 82.Google Scholar

10 Public Papers, II, 179.

11 Ibid., III, 35–6.

12 Ibid., III, 196.

13 Ibid., V, 363, 259.

14 Ibid., p. 234.

15 Ibid., III, 42, 49.

16 Ibid., IV, 414; Notter, Harley, The Origins of the Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson (Baltimore, 1937), p. 515Google Scholar.

17 Public Papers., IV, 48; V, 132–33.

18 Ibid., V, 406.

19 Ibid., p. 65.

20 Heckscher, , op. cit., p. 87Google Scholar.

21 Public Papers, II, 208.

22 Ibid., V, 50–51. Grappling painfully with the problems presented by Bolshevik Russia, Wilson confided to Masaryk: “I have felt no confidence in my personal judgment about the complicated situation in Russia and am reassured that you should approve what I have done.” Baker, , Life and Letters, VIII, 323Google Scholar.

23 Seymour, Charles, ed., The Intimate Papers of Colonel House (4 Vols., Boston, 19261928), IV, 283Google Scholar.

24 Public Papers, V, 237–38.

25 Ibid., pp. 395–6.

26 The Paris Education of Woodrow Wilson,” Virginia Quarterly Review, XXXII (Fall, 1956)Google Scholar.

27 Public Papers, V, 541, 549.

28 Heckscher, , op. cit., pp. 7475Google Scholar.

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31 On this see, for example, Buehrig, Edward, Woodrow Wilson and the Balance of Power (Bloomington, Ind., 1955)Google Scholar, esp. Chaps. 5 and 6.

32 Public Papers, V, 55.

33 Ibid., p. 129. Italics inserted.

34 Ibid., p. 429.

35 The writer's recent study of Wilson and British liberalism is an attempt to perform a part of this task.

36 Ibid., p. 161.

37 Ibid., IV, 187.

38 Heaton, John L., Cobb of “The World” (New York, 1924), pp. 268–70Google Scholar.

39 See, for example, Kennan, George, American Diplomacy, 1900–1950 (Chicago, 1951)Google Scholar, Chaps., IV and V.

40 In a series of articles later published as The War that will End War (London, 1914)Google Scholar.

41 Public Papers, V, 363.

42 Ibid, 130.

43 Public Papers, V, 307.