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Mao's Permanent Revolution

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Allan Spitz
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Extract

The aspect of China's current “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” that has provoked, perhaps, the greatest amount of speculation and controversy has been that of the 1966 purges. The purge is not new to totalitarianism in general, or to the Chinese brand of communism in particular. On the contrary, it has always been used in totalitarian states as a device by which leadership might strengthen itself in the face of internal dissent or new tasks.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Review of Politics , Volume 30 , Issue 4 , October 1968 , pp. 440 - 454
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1968

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References

1 Chu-yuan, Cheng, “The Power Struggle in Red China,” Asian Survey, VI, No. 9 (09, 1966), 469–483.Google Scholar

2 China News Analysis, No. 468 (05 17, 1963), p. 7.Google Scholar

3 Ibid., No. 457 (02 22, 1963), p. 6.

4 Bridgeham, Philip, “Mao's ‘Cultural Revolution’: Origin and Development,” The China Quarterly No. 29 (01–03, 1967), p. 12.Google Scholar

5 A discussion of the possibility of this meeting also having contributed to P'eng's subsequent purge may be found in Oksenberg, Michel, “China: Forcing the Revolution to a New Stage,” Asia Survey, VIII No. 1 (01, 1967), 1–14.Google Scholar

6 MacFarquhar, , “Mao's Last Revolution,” Foreign Affairs, XLV No. 1 (10, 1966), 115.Google Scholar

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12 Ni Mo-yen, “Smash Chou Yang's Reactionary Scheme of Having Hou Wai-Lu Sing Praise of T'ang Hsien-tsu,” Kuang-ming Jih-pao, August 10, 1966, p. 4 in Joint Publication Research Service Translations, No. 37, 514, 07, 1966–06, 1967, pp. 17–29.Google Scholar

13 “Repudiation of Chou Yang's Revisionist Program for Literature and Art,” Jen Min Jih Pao, 07 17, 1966, in Joint Publication Research Service Translations, No. 38, 314, 07, 1966–06, 1967.Google ScholarChina News Analysis (No. 624, 08 12, 1966)Google Scholar summarizes the charges against Chou in less polemic terms. According to this summary his “crimes” were allowing courses on Western philosophy and ancient Chinese thought to be taught in Peking University, favoring the publication of Chinese classics over those of Mao Tse-tung, opposing the depiction of worthwhile proletarian activities (such as night soil collecting) on the stage, stifling the omnipresence of images of Mao, and defending the keeping of writings of nineteenth-century Russian intellectuals.

14 Facts on File, XXVI, No. 1350 (09 14–18, 1966), 347.Google Scholar

15 New China News Analysis, English, Djakarta, May 28, 1965, in Current Background, No. 763 (Hong Kong: American Consulate General, 06 2, 1965), p. 7.Google Scholar See accusation no. 3. Note the use of the same terms.

16 Ibid., p. 8. See accusation no. 1. Would not this also apply to the cultural revolution?

17 Ibid., p. 13. This explicitly and implicitly refutes accusations nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5.

18 Griffith, W. E., “Sino-Soviet Relations, 1964–65,” The China Quarterly, No. 25 (01–03, 1966), pp. 16, 43.Google Scholar

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20 Ibid., p. 4.

21 Ibid., p. 55–56.

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24 Jui-ch'ing, Lo, The People Defeated Japanese Fascism and They Can Certainly Defeat U.S. Imperialism, Too (Peking, 1965), p. 21.Google Scholar

25 Cheng, op. cit., p. 470.

26 Ibid., p. 470–471.

27 Though several have mentioned this aspect, Bridgeham, op. cit., places a notable emphasis on this theme.

28 Bridgeham, op. cit., p. 21.

29 Shurmann, Franz, “What Is Happening in China,” New York Review of Books, VII, No. 6 (10 20, 1966).Google Scholar