Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 October 2009
Martin Wight once compared ‘the increasing number of small states which are the debris of colonial empires’ to ‘the increasing number of small principalities’ of an earlier period in international history which were ‘the debris of feudalism’. The citystates, monarchies, republics, confederations and various other emergent states of Europe eventually found an alternative to the mediaeval societas Christiana on which their independence and intercourse could be legitimately based. This was, of course, the practice of dynastic legitimacy or what Burke glorified as ‘prescription’: the right of inherited and established states to international recognition which sufficed as the constitution of European international society until the French revolution. Burke invoked it to condemn the revolution and justify foreign intervention not only to destroy the Jacobins and restore the monarchy but also to defend ‘the college of the ancient states of Europe’.3 It was a lost cause.
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53. Such confrontations were, of course, later experienced by the Portuguese and by Ian Smith and may yet be experienced by Pretoria.
54. This view was, according to J. M. Lee, a working assumption of British colonial policy until the late 1940s. See his Colonial Development and Good Government (Oxford, 1967), p. 280Google Scholar.
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59. Everyman's United Nations: A Complete Handbook of the Activities and Evolution of the United Nations During its First Twenty Years, 1945–1965 (New York, 1968), pp. 370–371Google Scholar, 396–99. In practice the right is carefully restricted to ex-colonial jurisdictions and is not therefore available to all peoples as such. Otherwise the existing state jurisdictions in most of Africa and much of the world elsewhere would be seriously threatened in an epidemic of competing claims to self-determination.
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63. For the distinction between imposed and solicited intervention see Wight, Power, op. cit. note 1, ch. 18.
64. Martin Wight remarked on another aspect of this ironic double standard some three decades ago: ‘The existence of the United Nations has exaggerated the international importance of the have-not powers…The paradoxical consequence has been that powers which, taken collectively, exhibit a low level of political freedom, governmental efficiency, public probity, civil liberties and human rights, have had the opportunity to set themselves up in judgement over powers which, taken collectively, for all their sins, have a high level in these respects.’ Power, op. cit. note 1, p. 238.
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74. The large literature on dependency and international political economy deals with them.
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