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For God and Country: Religious Minorities Striving for National Belonging through Community Service

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 June 2018

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Abstract

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This article examines how religious minorities (specifically, marginalized Protestants, Catholics, Jews, and Muslims) have participated in government-affiliated service programs as part of attempts to assert claims to faith in a common God, observance of common ethics, and belonging in a common body politic. Historians have described World War II as—thanks to the interreligious military—a time of enshrining “Judeo-Christian” narratives in culture, legislation, and politics, and of allowing Jews greater access to these arenas than they had experienced previously. While military service is also important here, my primary subject is the service religious groups initially offered as a compliment to military activity but then expanded and generalized—often under government commission—into community care work that relieved the state of the economic burden of supplying certain citizenship benefits or that gave international endeavors a friendlier face. Marginalized white Protestants were the first to offer such services, but other minoritized religious groups followed their example, patriotically echoing military themes throughout the twentieth century when creating “service” organizations and volunteer “corps.” While many contemporary Muslim American leaders believe that community service engagements will help Muslims overcome discrimination by demonstrating that they also make vital contributions to the U.S., several current factors call that possibility into question—not least of which is the history of only partial acceptance earlier religious minorities enjoyed as a result of their efforts.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture 2016

References

Notes

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2. The events of 9/11 challenged the common assumption that Muslim immigrants will follow the same route to acceptance as earlier Catholic and Jewish immigrants, as Haddad, Yvonne Yazbeck, Smith, Jane I., and Esposito, John L. note in their “Introduction: Becoming American—Religion, Identity, and Institution Building in the American Mosaic,” in Religion and Immigration: Christian, Jewish, and Muslim Experiences in the United States, ed. Haddad, Smith, and Esposito, , (Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira Press, 2003), 3 Google Scholar. As this article makes clear, however, 9/11 did not dispel that hope.

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22. Quoted in Faraone, Joan, “The Evolution of the Secretariat of Hispanic Affairs of NCCB/USCCB and Its Contribution to Catechesis for Hispanics/Latinos in the United States” (Ph.D. diss., Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C., 2009), 21.Google Scholar

23. Editorial, “Community Service,” New York Times (June 1, 1919). After World War I, the army assumed nominal control of the organization, simplifying its name to “Community Service” and folding it into the army’s offices for Education and Recreation (Bristow, Making Men Moral, 81).

24. Katznelson, Ira, When Affirmative Action Was White: The Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America (New York: W.W. Norton, 2006), 4348.Google Scholar

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28. On anticommunism and antisecularism as the animating impulse of interreligious coalition building during this time, see Gaston, K. Healan, “Demarcating Democracy: Liberal Catholics, Protestants, and the Discourse of Secularism,” in American Religious Liberalism, ed. Schmidt, Leigh E. and Promey, Sally (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012), 337–58Google Scholar.

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34. As Laura Levitt has demonstrated, such framings often provide less room for diversity than they seem and accommodate Jewish Americans only insofar as they remain religious, leaving secular Jews at the limits of liberal Protestant-secular inclusion. See Levitt, , “Impossible Assimilations, American Liberalism, and Jewish Difference: Revisiting Jewish Secularism,” American Quarterly 59 (September 2007), 807–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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36. On the World War II refugee crisis and proliferation of humanitarian aid agencies, see Calhoun, Craig C., “The Imperative to Reduce Suffering: Charity, Progress, and Emergencies in the Field of Humanitarian Action,” in Humanitarianism in Question: Politics, Power, Ethics, ed. Barnett, Michael and Weiss, Thomas G. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008), 8283 Google Scholar. For the U.S. government's role in encouraging—and funding—religious voluntary organizations to provide services, see McCleary, Rachel M., Global Compassion: Private Voluntary Organizations and U.S. Foreign Policy since 1939 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Hammack, David C., “Failure and Resilience: Pushing the Limits in Depression and Wartime,” in Friedman and McGarvie, Charity, Philanthropy, and Civility in American History, 263–80Google Scholar.

37. Mennonite Church USA Historical Committee and Archives, “A Century of Ministry: Mennonite Church Programs in Context” (http://www.mcusa-archives.org/Features/centryofmin-narrative.htm, accessed February 6, 2011.)

38. Neal, Joan, “Transformation from Relief to a Justice and Solidarity Focus,” in The Pulse of Humanitarian Assistance, ed. Cahill, Kevin M. (New York: Fordham University Press and The Center for International Humanitarian Cooperation, 2007), 279–80Google Scholar.

39. All quotes of this speech are from the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum transcript, “Address of Senator John F. Kennedy to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association, September 12, 1960” (http://www.jfklibrary.org/AssetViewer/ALL6YEBJMEKYGMCntnSCvg.aspx, accessed October 18, 2013). As Thomas J. Carty discusses, Kennedy had supported funding for Catholic schools while serving as a U.S. Representative from a heavily Catholic Massachusetts district, but reversed course when seeking a national constituency and anti-Catholic lobbyists and Protestant liberals quickly opposed him. See Carty, , “Protestant-Catholic Conflict in the United States: The Cases of John F. Kennedy and Ronald W. Reagan,” in Protestant-Catholic Conflict from the Reformation to the Twenty-First Century: The Dynamics of Religious Difference, ed. Wolffe, John (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 188218.Google Scholar

40. On the school wars and Protestant appeals to secularism, see Fessenden, Tracy, Culture and Redemption: Religion, the Secular, and American Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 6083 Google Scholar.

41. John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum transcript of John F. Kennedy, “Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961” (http://www.jfklibrary.org/AssetViewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntFl7SVAjA.aspx, accessed October 18, 2013).

42. Kennedy had proposed an updated version of New Deal projects—a “Youth Conservation Corps,” as he called it—as early as 1960. See “Remarks of Senator John F. Kennedy, Lewisburg-White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, May 4, 1960,” in “John F. Kennedy Speeches” at the JFK Presidential Library and Museum (http://www.jfklibrary.org/Research/Research-Aids/JFK-Speeches/Lewisburg-WV_19600504.aspx, accessed October 18, 2003).

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44. “Speech of Senator John F. Kennedy, CowPalace, San Francisco, 2 November 1960,” (http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25928#axzz1v1QQM4S6 and quoted in ibid., 92–93).

45. Hoffman, All You Need Is Love, 47–48 (quoted in Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 93).

46. Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 103. Despite Kennedy's campaign assurances, the issue of public funding for Catholic schools again incited fierce debate during his first months in office.

47. Ibid., 106

48. Wicklein, John, “Peace Corps Ties Stir Church Issue,” New York Times (June 19, 1961), 12 Google Scholar.

49. Memorandum of Conversation, July 7, 1961, Office of the Director, Peace Corps, Box 19 (quoted in Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 110–11; on Rusk and Moyers, see Allen 111–12).

50. Wicklein, “Peace Corps,” 2; Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 114–16. On the attitudes of NAE officials toward Kennedy, see Carty, “Protestant-Catholic Conflict,” 194.

51. Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 104–5.

52. Ibid., 113–14.

53. Wicklein, John, “Church Council Sets Up Office for Liaison with Peace Corps,” New York Times (January 5, 1962), 11 (emphasis added)Google Scholar.

54. On evangelicals monitoring the Peace Corps, see Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 118. On the institutional power and social positions of Catholics who, by the 1960s, were more likely than white Protestants to go to college and enjoyed slightly higher wages afterward, see Schultz, Kevin M., Tri-Faith America: How Catholics and Jews Held Postwar America to Its Protestant Promise (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 203 Google Scholar.

55. Citing multiple studies, Carty demonstrates that the Kennedy presidency coincided with an unprecedented level of Catholic American participation in philanthropy and civic engagement (“Protestant-Catholic Conflict,” 199), and that service in the Peace Corps was a primary way that Catholics sought to demonstrate their commitments.

56. For some of the unique issues facing Jewish philanthropic and service organizations, see Kelner, Shaul, “Religious Ambivalence in Jewish American Philanthropy,” in Religion in Philanthropic Organizations: Family, Friend, Foe? Ed. Davis, Thomas J. (Bloomington: Indiana University, 2013), 2849 Google Scholar.

57. The Christian Century quote comes from Schultz, Tri-Faith America, 10. See Schultz, also, on the activities of American Jewish organizations that favored secularism as a means of protecting their specific interests and traditions.

58. Quoted in Schultz, Tri-Faith America, 207.

59. Ibid., 200–201.

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61. From the USAID website under “USAID History” (accessed August 17, 2011, http://www.usaid.gov/who-we-are/usaid-history). CRS and two evangelical organizations, (World Vision and Samaritan’s Purse) have received far more USAID funding than any other religiously affiliated organization over the course of the agency's history, although— until the passage of Charitable Choice legislation in the 1990s that allowed religious organizations to deliver services formerly provided by the state (legislation first passed as part of 1996 welfare reform)—this sometimes required creative solutions to objections raised by Congress and members of the public. In 1962, for example, World Vision administrators established an ostensibly nonconfessional branch of operations called World Vision Relief Organization, which began contracting with USAID almost immediately. CRS and other organizations did likewise and quickly regained some of the federal funding they had enjoyed prior to the Peace Corps controversy. See King, David P., “Heartbroken for God's World: The Story of Bob Pierce, Founder of World Vision and Samaritan’s Purse,” in Davis, Religion in Philanthropic Organizations, 7192 Google Scholar. See also Ackerman, David M. and Burke, Vee, Charitable Choice: Background and Issues (Huntington, N.Y.: Novinka Books, 2001)Google Scholar.

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73. Pew Research Center Religion and Public Life Project, “How Americans Feel About Religious Groups” (July 16, 2014; available at http://www.pewforum.org/2014/07/16/how-americans-feel-aboutreligious-groups/, accessed November 11, 2014).

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79. In February of 2016, for example, ISNA leaders launched a “Striving for Justice” conference tour. The first stop was Ferguson, Missouri, where Arab American social justice activist Linda Sarsour joined Imam Siraj Wahhaj to discuss, among other things, “Creating a Just Society,” “Mercy as a Tool for Uniting Communities,” and the “Role of Masjid Is Promoting Social Justice.” The event ended with a “Community Service Recognition Award Ceremony” during whichWahhaj—the keynote speaker—addressed the issue of creating “Social Justice for Community at Large.” Event information on ISNA's website (accessed February 26, 2016) at http://www.isna.net/uploads/1/5/7/4/15744382/isnastltentativeprogram.pdf.