Figures 3–5 were printed incorrectly on pp. 351–52 of the abovepublication. The correct figures, titles, and captions, arepresented below.

As a pracademic for my entire career and a department chair foralmost 20 years, I found the wonderful symposium on pracademics tobe right on target. The examples and the advice for faculty andadministrators are invaluable to our profession. Thank you forpublishing it.

I read the article titled “The Logic of the Tenure Decision:In Dubio Contra “Reum” that was published inthe most recent issue of PS. I am particularlyinterested in this discussion and re-evaluation of tenure because itis a timely issue (within and outside of academia) and because Ihave been personally and professionally involved in the process atmany levels for many years.

I thank Professor Ugarte for his comments and reflections and am gladthat my essay, published in a political science journal, haselicited scholarly interest far beyond the confines of ourdiscipline, in a department of Spanish literature. While it wouldtake too much space to respond to all comments (for instance,concerning a “turf battle”), I want to clarify a few importantpoints.

My talk honors the contribution of Ithiel de Sola Pool to empiricalpolitical theory, a field pioneered by Pool, David Easton, andGabriel Almond, inter alia. Pool's 1967 edited volume,Contemporary Political Science: Toward EmpiricalTheory illustrates some of the important early works inthis field, a field designed to generate political theory from thesystematic examination of empirical data. To demonstrate the kind ofwork Pool developed, I begin my talk by suggesting what studyingaltruism and genocide taught me about broader themes in political,social, and moral theory. I then suggest how I developed a newtheory of moral choice in order to explain the surprising findingthat identity trumped choice for all the participants I interviewedabout their actions during the Holocaust and World War II, fromNazis and bystanders to rescuers of Jews. This paper thus summarizesthe highlights of the 2010 Pool Lecture to provide a fewillustrations of the empirical findings that led me to develop anidentity-based theory of moral choice.

In 2011, the Fulbright Scholar Program celebrates its 65thanniversary as America's preeminent international educationalexchange program. In recognition of its international impact, thisis a timely occasion to recall the program's history and note theroles of political scientists who have taught and conducted researcharound the globe as Fulbright Scholars.

Studies of mass political attitudes and behavior before the 1950shave been limited by a lack of high-quality, individual-level data.Fortunately, data from public opinion polls conducted during thelate New Deal and World War II periods are available, although themany difficulties of working with these data have left them largelyuntouched for over 60 years. We compiled and produced readily usablecomputer files for over 400 public opinion polls undertaken between1936 and 1945 by the four major survey organizations active duringthat period. We also developed a series of weights to ameliorate theproblems introduced by the quota-sampling procedures employed at thetime. The corrected data files and weights were released in May2011. In this article, we briefly discuss the data and weightingprocedures and then present selected time series determined usingquestions that were repeated on 10 or more surveys. The time seriesprovide considerable leverage for understanding the dynamics ofpublic opinion in one of the most volatile—and pivotal—eras inAmerican history.

We propose an experimental design particularly adapted to the studyof individual behavior in collective action situations. Theexperimental protocol improves on the artificiality that is commonlypresent in lab and survey experiments to achieve a closerreplication of the real-life conditions of such decisions whileavoiding the high costs associated with field experiments. Weexemplify this design by means of a study on strategic voting inelections.

In this article, we present a principled method for updatingestimates of the ideology of Supreme Court justices based on eachnew vote they cast. We apply this method to the ideologicalpositions of the newly appointed members of the Court: John Roberts,Samuel Alito, and Sonia Sotomayor. This approach allows us to gainnot only an estimate of justices' ideologies but also a greaterunderstanding of the level of uncertainty we should have about thesevalues, including how much we can learn about a new justice's viewsafter he or she has cast a given number of votes on the Court.

This article demonstrates that racial prejudice was strongly relatedto the state-level nonblack vote in the 2008 presidential election,which featured the first African American candidate from a majorparty, Barack Obama. Additional tests show that while prejudice alsoexplains shifts in the nonblack vote between 2004 and 2008, itsinfluence on voting in the 2000 and 2004 elections was modest atbest. Furthermore, there is no relationship between racial attitudesand state-level presidential approval of George Bush in 2008. Takentogether, the findings suggest that prejudice does not have apervasive influence on political behavior and opinion. Instead, theeffect appears to have been triggered by the presence of BarackObama on the ballot. Had there been less prejudice among theAmerican voting public, Obama would likely have won an electoralvote landslide.

In the 2008 presidential nomination campaigns, both Obama and McCainstaked out clear positions on the Iraq war. Exit polls conducted inprimary and caucus contests show that the war in Iraq was indeed thekey issue of support for the winning contenders. However, it was notagreement with the candidates' positions that drove primary votersinto the arms of Obama and McCain; rather, it was concern with theIraq war. Primary voters treated the war as a valence issue, not asa position issue. Each candidate also won an early contest (the Iowacaucuses for Obama and the New Hampshire primary for McCain) inwhich concern over the Iraq war was especially strong. Thosevictories sparked a momentum for both candidates in subsequentcontests. As a result, both Obama and McCain owed their respectivenominations for president to the combination of war andmomentum.

Each election year, colleges and universities across the nationwitness a plethora of on-campus voter registration activities. Theresults of these drives are most often assessed by tallying thenumber of voter registration cards collected. Little has been done,however, to more carefully investigate these results. As a firstattempt to examine postdrive results more thoroughly, we ask twoquestions. First, do students who register through an on-campusvoter registration drive actually make it to the voting booth?Second, does providing basic information about the voting processincrease turnout among students who register through an on-campusvoter registration drive? In this study, we investigate the overallturnout rate of students registering to vote in the 2008presidential election through on-campus registration drives byvalidating votes through the office of the county voting registrar.We then compare the turnout rate of students who registered throughthe on-campus drives with the turnout rate of similar young peoplenationwide. Finally, we investigate whether the provision ofinformation through certain avenues boosts turnout. Our findingsshow that students who registered through an on-campus voterregistration drive turned out to vote at a higher rate than similaryoung people nationwide. Additionally, we found small but importanteffects of information provision through different formats.

The purpose of this article is to examine the potential impact ofHispanics on the electoral geography of the southern United Statesafter the 2010 decennial census. Hispanics are the largest andfastest-growing minority group in the United States today. Inaddition to traditional Hispanic destinations such as Florida andTexas, many of the areas experiencing the most rapid growth inHispanic population are southern states such as Georgia, NorthCarolina, and Virginia. Geographic information systems are used todetermine where majority-minority and influential districts arelikely to emerge in southern states. We argue that although theLatino population has increased significantly over the past decade,the proportion of Latinos living in southern states remainsrelatively low in comparison to the general population. Therefore,no new majority-minority or influence districts will emerge inLouisiana, Mississippi, or Tennessee. Majority-minority andinfluence districts are likely to emerge in Arkansas, Georgia, NorthCarolina, South Carolina, and Virginia at the state and locallevels, but not at the U.S. congressional level. Texas and Floridaare the only southern states where new majority-minority andinfluence districts are likely to emerge at the U.S., state, andlocal levels after the 2010 decennial census.

Scholars often use referenda as the plural forreferendum. This choice is a hypercorrection—itmay sound like proper Latin, but it is not.Referendums is always the correct choice.However, we maintain that there is value in usingreferendums for multiple events andreferenda for multiple propositions.

This article addresses Andrew Rehfeld's attempt to ensure a place forpolitical theory within political science, which he does partly byshowing how political theory fits into a defensible definition ofpolitical science and partly by excluding much political theory fromthe discipline in order to safeguard the rest. His account of whatthe discipline should comprehend is overly narrow, however, and doesnot serve the interests of the sorts of political theory he stronglybelieves are worth doing. I argue instead that political sciencemust be defined by its subject matter alone, and that politicaltheory's contribution to this subject matter must be defended.

This article investigates the variables that affect the award oftenure in political science departments in the United States. Weexamined two dependent variables: (1) whether a department hasdenied tenure in the past five years, and (2) whether a positivedepartmental tenure recommendation has been reversed by highercollege or university authorities during the same period of time.Five clusters of independent variables were evaluated: (1)college/university and departmental characteristics, (2) theprocedures employed to evaluate tenure cases, (3) the instrumentsused to assess teaching, (4) service expectations, and (5) researchand publication standards. We found that the most important factorsaffecting departmental decisions to deny tenure were whetherteaching and substantive publications were treated as equallyvaluable qualifications, the number of articles a candidatepublished, and the candidate's level of commitment to advising.Interestingly, reversal decisions by higher authorities were notstrongly affected by any of the variables in the analysis.

Doctoral programs take great care in assuring that students areprepared to enter the job market and become effective teachers andresearchers. However, once faced with the daunting task of landingtheir first position, students are oftentimes left on their own.Given the current state of the job market—more applicants for fewerjobs—it is essential that students understand the process and whatthey should expect as they work to receive their first academicposition. In this article, we walk students through the hiringprocess from deciding which jobs to apply for to handling contractnegotiations.

We provide advice to presenters at political science conferences. Ouradvice is based on the idea that the goal of a professionalpresentation is to provide an audience with information it canunderstand, discuss, and remember. We argue that currentpresentational norms in our discipline are counterproductive, and weencourage presenters to make their presentations more constrained,less technical, and more connected to the political world outside ofpolitical science.

We critique the typical use of visual aids at political scienceconferences and make suggestions about more effective ways toincorporate them into presentations. Our main suggestions are thatpolitical scientists should use fewer and simpler slides, and thatthose slides should contain visually richinformation that illustrates a speaker's point without distractingthe audience from his or her words.

There may be no greater concern in political science than the stateof the job market. Particularly for newly minted Ph.D.s, the numberand type of jobs available and their possibility of success on themarket are sources of great anxiety. Similarly, department chairs,graduate directors, and dissertation chairs struggle as they makechoices about recruiting faculty and students and determine how toadvise their students as they progress toward their degrees. Theseconcerns are common in most years, but they have been especiallysalient in the last several years, when the economic downturn hasaffected nearly every aspect of higher education. The purpose ofthis report is to present data that will assist faculty and studentsin navigating the political science employment landscape.