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G. F. Malipiero's Crisis Years (1913–19)
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 1981
Extract
It is ironical that of all centuries of Italian musical history the one that at present seems least known and least understood in this country should be the twentieth. At the beginning of the century, it is true, the later operas of Puccini stand out as almost excessively familiar landmarks; and in the period from the Second World War onwards the works of composers such as Dallapiccola, Nono and especially Berio have become relatively well known ground at least to contemporary music enthusiasts, in the English speaking world as elsewhere. However, vast tracts of the intervening territory currently seem shrouded — where general public awareness in this country is concerned — in a thick fog of ignorance and apathetic prejudice. Here and there the fog may thin a little, to reveal isolated familiar objects such as Respighi's symphonic poems, the guitar music of Castelnuovo-Tedesco, or (at the more radical end of the ideological spectrum) the recently-much-studied futurist experiments of Luigi Russolo. Nevertheless the mists still show little inclination to lift in their entirety, to reveal to British eyes the overall geography of the whole landscape.
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- Copyright © 1983 The Royal Musical Association and the Authors
References
1 See pp. 351–2 in L'opera di Gian Francesco Malipiero, saggi di scrittori italiani e stranieri con una introduzione di Guido M. Gatti… [but ed. Gino Scarpa] (Treviso. 1952), hereafter referred to as Op. M. All translations are my own.Google Scholar
2 For a comprehensive survey of these repudiated early Malipiero works — many of which he later claimed to have destroyed but had in fact (in most cases) merely hidden away in the basement of his house at Asolo — see John C. G. Waterhouse, ‘I lavori “distrutti” di Gian Francesco Malipiero: brani da un “work in progress”’, Nuova rivista musicale italiana, xiii (1979), 564–602.Google Scholar
3 For example Summer Night on the River and On Hearing the First Cuckoo in Spring date from 1911 and 1912 respectively.Google Scholar
4 For basic biographical information see especially: ‘Cronologia della vita e delle opere’, Op.M., 355–63; Alberto Mantelli, ‘Prospetto cronologico della vita e delle opere di Gian Francesco Malipicro’, L'approdo musicale, no. 9 (1960 [special Malipicro number]), 163–204; and many passages in Henry Prunières, ‘G. Francesco Malipiero’, La revue musicale, viii/3 (January 1927), 5–25, reprinted in Op.M., 40–60.Google Scholar
5 ‘La prima rappresentazione dell’ Elettra', Musico, iii/6 (Rome, 7 February 1909), 2. An earlier contribution to the same periodical (‘Vita musicale tedesca’, ibid., ii/24, 13 December 1908) confirms that already before the composition of the first set of Impressioni dal vero Malipiero had indeed made the acquaintance, in Berlin, of Debussy's Prélude a l'après-midi d'un faune and Pelléas et Mélisande.Google Scholar
6 From an undated autobiographical note printed in 0p.M., 349–50. For other similar comments on his first encounter with Stravinsky's music, and on the part Casella played in bringing this encounter about, see (1) ibid., 346–9; (2) G. F. Malipiero, Strawinsky (Venice, 1945), 9–11; (3) the beginning of G. F. Malipiero, ‘Cosí mi scriveva Alfredo Casella’, L'approdo musicale, no. 1 (1958 [special Casella number]), 20–53, reprinted in G. F. Malipiero, Il filo d'Arianna: saggi e fantasie (Turin, 1956), 159–94.Google Scholar
7 The wish to ask D'Annunzio for permission to set this play to music seems, indeed, to have been Malipiero's primary motive for going to Paris in the first place, in mid-January 1913: see another autobiographical note, ‘Amicizie e delusioni’ dated ‘Venice 1943’, first printed in G. F. Malipiero, La pietra del bando (Venice, 1945), and reprinted in Op.M., 294–302. In the last-mentioned context the relevant passage appears on pp. 294–5. Concerning the unfortunate repercussions of D'Annunzio's evasive and less-than-honest answer to Malipiero's request (as a result of which Sogno d'un tramonto d'autunno had to wait fifty years before it could legally be performed) see (1) a note by Malipiero dated 1952, printed in Op.M., 189; and (2) especially pp. 114–8 of Domenico de’ Paoli, ‘Gabriele d'Annunzio, la musica e i musicisti’, in the RAI publication Nel centenario Gabriele d'Annunzio (Turin, 1963), 41–118.Google Scholar
8 Malipiero subsequently cited both these last-mentioned composers with approval on pp. 105–7 in his idiosyncratic but revealing essay ‘Orchestra e orchestrazione’, Rivista musicale italiana, xxiii (1916), 559–69, and xxiv (1917), 89–120. On the other hand, pp. 100–1 of the same essay reveal that by November 1916 his former enthusiasm for Strauss had given place to downright contempt.Google Scholar
9 See pp. 580–84, 586–8, 593 and 599–600 in John C. G. Waterhouse, op. cit. (cf. n.2).Google Scholar
10 Cf. pp. 580 and 600–1. ibid.Google Scholar
11 From a note, dated 1942 and referring to the first Pause del silenzio, printed in Op.M., 224.Google Scholar
12 From a note, dated 1951 and referring to the second and third sets of Impressioni dal vero, printed in Op.M., 222.Google Scholar
13 From a note, dated 1952 and referring exclusively to ‘La notte dei morti’, in Op.M., 256–7. Malipiero had previously described this disturbing event in greater detail in the autobiographical note ‘Alla scoperta di Asolo’ dated ‘Asolo, autumn 1940’, first printed in La pietra del bando, cit. (cf. n.7), and reprinted in Op.M., 302–11. In the latter context the relevant passage appears on pp. 308–9.Google Scholar
14 From a note, dated 1919 and referring to the first Pause del silenzio, printed in Op.M., 224–5.Google Scholar
15 Denis Mack Smith, Italy: a Modern History (Ann Arbor, 1959), 312 in the first edition.Google Scholar
16 From ‘Alla scoperta di Asolo’, cit. (cf. n. 13), p. 309 in the version in Op.M.Google Scholar
17 From Henry Prunières, op. cit. (cf. n.4), p. 48 in the version in Op.M.Google Scholar
18 From a note dated 1952, printed in Op.M., 207.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
19 Cf. Igor Stravinsky, Chronique de ma vie, p. 31 in the anonymous English translation, as republished in paperback under the title An Autobiography (London, 1975).Google Scholar
20 Cf. Michael Tippett, Moving into Aquarius (London, 1959), 52.Google Scholar
21 From the initial stage direction in the published vocal score (London, 1920).Google Scholar
22 Ibid.Google Scholar
23 The initial stage direction goes on to speak of ‘Bagliori sinistri, oscillazioni multicolori delle fiamme’.Google Scholar
24 Cf. stage direction on p. 10 of the published vocal score.Google Scholar
25 Fedele d'Amico, ‘Ragioni umane del primo Malipiero’, first published in La rassegna musicale, xv (1942), 45–55 and reprinted (with revisions) in Op.M., 110–26. In the latter context the quoted passage appears on p. 116.Google Scholar
26 Stage direction on p. 55 of the published vocal score.Google Scholar
27 Piero Santi, ‘Il teatro di Gian Francesco Malipiero’, L'approdo musicale, no. 9 (cf. n.4), 19–112. The section devoted to Pantea occupies pp. 27–32; the quoted passage appears on p.29.Google Scholar
28 Dallapiccola's version is, of course, more specific in its references; yet it too has a distinctly surrealist quality: Two huge arms, almost hidden among the lower branches [of a large cedar], slowly move … The Prisoner finds himself in tie arms of the Grand Inquisitor' (stage direction, p. 87 of the published vocal score).Google Scholar
29 ‘… G. Francesco Malipiero che io considero la piú importante personalità che l'Italia abbia avuto dopo la morte di Verdi’. The letter is dated ‘Firenze il 30 [or ‘20’: it is impossible to tell which is the typing error and which the correction] ottobre 1960’.Google Scholar
30 For details see pp. 17–21 in Malipiero's preface to the anonymously-edited symposium Malipiero e le sue Sette canzoni (Rome, 1929). The passage in question reappears, with minor modifications, as a note (dated 1918, though this may be a misprint) in Op.M., 191–2.Google Scholar
31 For an enlargement upon this idea see John C. G. Waterhouse, ‘Malipiero's “Sette canzoni”’, The Musical Times, cx (1969), 826–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
32 Although not ideally audible in every detail, Malipiero's actual words at this point seem to have been: ‘adoravo il melodramma, ma odiavo il recitativo; allora ho trovato … soggetti, che non hanno bisogno di nessun recitativo’. The interview in question was first broadcast by Radiotelevisione Italiana on 2 March 1973, and later repeated.Google Scholar
33 For a more detailed account of Lancelotto del lago see John C. G. Waterhouse, ‘I lavori “distrutti” …’, cit. (cf. n.2), 584–6, 593 and 601–2.Google Scholar
34 ‘Scoperto che l'autore del libretto era un volgare malfattore, questo lavoro venne tolto da me (nel 1916) dalla circolazione non per ragioni artistiche ma per l'orrore che mi faceva la mia musica con le parole di un bruto.’Google Scholar
35 For details of most of the sources, which are not indicated in the published vocal score, see pp. 697–707 of Guido M. Gatti, ‘Le espressioni drammatiche di G.F. Malipicro (Sette canzoni)’, Rivista musicale italiana, xxvi (1919), 690–712.Google Scholar
36 The passage appears on p. 21 of Malipiero e le sue Sette canzoni, de, and on p. 192 in the related note in Op.M. (cf. n.30): I quote the wording used in the latter context.Google Scholar