The explorations conducted by the Institute of Archaeology, Allahabad University, in the last few years in the alluvial plain of the Central Ganga Valley, bounded by the Ganga on the south and the Sarju on the north, have brought to light extensive traces of Stone Age occupation in an area completely devoid of rocks. The work has also revealed the connection between this appearance of early man and the morphological features brought about by the changing course of the Ganga in the Pleistocene. The Gangetic alluvial is clearly divided into two distinct formations, the older known as Bhagar, and the younger as Khadar. The terminal of the Bhagar constituted the bank of the Ganga when it was actually forming this area and gradually receding southwards to form the deposit of the Khadar. Over a very wide area the exposed sections of the Bhagar (fig. 1) consist of four layers having a thickness of 8 to 10·5 m. On the top there is a sandy soil (30 cm to 1·50 m) overlying a plastic clay deposit (90 cm to 2 m in thickness). The third layer is constituted by blackish soil (1·50 m to 3 m) full of small kankar nodules. The bottommost exposed layer or the fourth (2 m to 4 m) from the top, containing kankars, is yellowish in colour. There is no doubt that the sandy deposit capping the old formation marks the end of an epoch in the life of the Ganga, and it was deposited by the river with a flood-plane higher by at least 10 metres than its highest flood-plane subsequently recorded.

The definition and classification of ‘henges’ and ‘hengiform’ sites are reconsidered. A new classification is proposed based on the nature of the perimeter, the number of entrances, and a range of features within or concentric to the perimeter. It is suggested that there is no valid distinction between sites termed ‘henge’ or ‘hengiform’. The site, distribution and chronology of these sites are also considered. Some of the associated features have close parallels in earlier neolithic sites.

The occurrence of human remains in Iron Age domestic contexts in southern England is well-attested and has been the subject of considerable recent debate. Less well known are the human remains from settlement contexts in other parts of Iron Age Britain. In Atlantic Scotland, human bodies and body parts are found consistently, if in small numbers, in Atlantic roundhouses, wheelhouses, and other settlement forms. Yet these have remained unsynthesised and individual assemblages have tended to be interpreted on a site-specific basis, if at all. Examination of the material as a corpus suggests a complex and evolving set of attitudes to the human body, its display, curation, and disposal, and it is improbable that any single interpretation (such as excarnation, retention of war trophies, or display of ancestral relics) will be sufficient. Although the specific practices remain diverse and essentially local, certain concerns appear common to wider areas, and some, for instance the special treatment accorded to the head, have resonances far beyond Iron Age Britain.

The material here described was found in the Hadhramaut by Elinor Gardner and myself between November 1937 and March 1938. My personal investigation of the Palaeolithic Age was limited by pre-Islamic excavations, and I am therefore indebted to her for the gathering of most of the specimens in situ in terrace gravels, and to her detailed study of their positions.

The collection consists mainly of groups from four fairly widely separated localities; the physiography of these has already been outlined in a comprehensive paper published in the Geographical Journal. Whenever appropriate to the purpose of this account, which is to place for the first time on illustrated record all we observed about the palaeoliths, I have reused in this different context illustrations of Quaternary environment which appeared in that Journal. With thanks I acknowledge the permission of the Royal Geographical Society to do so.

Whilst research has shown many faults with the Movius scheme of a Middle Pleistocene group of Chopper/Chopping tool industries in South-East Asia, it remains a fact that pebble tool industries are still the dominant characteristic of the South-East Asian record. Exploration has now revealed hundreds of Late Pleistocene and Holocene sites in Mainland South-East Asia and these are archaeologically very different from cave sites in Europe. Further problems exist with the current nomenclature of later industries, such as the Hoabinhian and the Neolithic, for there is a large amount of overlap between such assemblages. Should such factors as economy, site location, etc. be used to assist clarification of such problems?

This paper outlines some of these issues and reveals that the pebble tool tradition as it is widely known in South-East Asia is a relatively recent phenomenon dating back to the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). A possible reason for the change from flake to pebble tool industrial types and in the visibility of sites is the environmental changes and rise in sea level which submerged over half the available land area in the region during the Late Pleistocene. An existing broad spectrum system of exploitation was likely to have been intensified as a result of this.

A double-ditched sub-rectangular enclosure measuring c.42 by 48 m was excavated. It was shown to have been a Late Bronze Age settlement, with a single central roundhouse opposite the only entrance, and with a rectangular structure in one corner. The site produced a typical range of Late Bronze Age artefacts. The site is low-lying, and environmental data from the waterlogged fills of a well indicate an open landscape of damp grassland. These factors together with the absence of waste from the earliest stages of crop-cleaning among carbonized plant remains from the enclosure, point to a primarily pastoral economy.

A few Neolithic features and artefacts were also found but these are not considered to represent permanent settlement.

Wayland's Smithy, on the north scarp of the downs above the Vale of the White Horse, is a two-phase Neolithic tomb. It has been a recognized feature of the historic landscape since at least the 10th century AD. It was recorded by Aubrey and later antiquaries, and continued to be of interest in the 19th century. It was amongst the first monuments to be protected by scheduling from 1882. The first excavations in 1919–20 were haphazardly organized and poorly recorded, but served to confirm, as suggested by Akerman and Thurnam, that the stone terminal chamber was transepted, to show that it had held burials, and to indicate the likely existence of an earlier structural phase.

Further excavations took place in 1962–63 to explore the monument more and restore it for better presentation. The excavations revealed a two-phase monument. Wayland's Smithy I is a small oval barrow, defined by flanking ditches, an oval kerb, and a low chalk and sarsen barrow. It contains a mortuary structure defined by large pits which held posts of split trunks, a pavement, and opposed linear cairns of sarsen. This has been seen as the remains of a pitched and ridged mortuary tent, in the manner proposed also for the structure under the Fussell's Lodge long barrow, but in the light of ensuing debate and of subsequent discoveries elsewhere, it can also be seen as an embanked, box-like structure, perhaps with a flat wooden roof. This structure contained the remains of at least fourteen human skeletons, in varying states of completeness. The burial rite may have included primary burial or exposure elsewhere, but some at least of the bodies could have been deposited directly into the mortuary structure, and subsequent circulation or removal of bones cannot be discounted. Little silt accumulated in the ditches of phase I before the construction of phase II, and a charcoal sample from this interval gave a date of 3700–3390 BC.

Wayland's Smithy II consists of a low sarsen-kerbed trapezoidal barrow, with flanking ditches, which follows the north–south alignment of phase I. At the south end there was a façade of larger sarsen stones, from which ran back a short passage leading to a transepted chamber, roofed with substantial capstones. This could have risen above the surrounding barrow. The excavations of 1919–20 revealed the presence of incomplete human burials in the west transept; the chamber had probably already been disturbed. The excavations of 1962–63 revealed further structural detail of the surrounds of the chamber, including a sarsen cairn piled in front and around it; deposits of calcium carbonate well up the walls of the chamber could be taken to suggest the former existence of chalk rubble blocking, in the manner of the West Kennet long barrow.

The monuments were built over a thin chalk soil which had been a little disturbed. The molluscan evidence shows open surroundings. Molluscan samples from the ditch of Wayland's Smithy II show subsequent regeneration of woodland.

Later activity on the site took the form of field ditches and lynchets, part of locally extensive field systems in the Iron Age and Romano-British period. Molluscan samples show again open country. There is evidence for disturbance of the tomb in late prehistoric and Roman times, and the denudation of the barrow had probably largely been effected by the end of the Roman era.

Wayland's Smithy provides important evidence for the sequence and development of Neolithic mortuary structures and burials. It is possible to suggest a gradual development for the structures ofWayland's Smithy I, in which opposed pits and substantial posts were incorporated into a box-like, linear mortuary structure, which in turn was incorporated into a small barrow. The subsequent construction of Wayland's Smithy II has become a classic example of the succession from small to large, and fits the late date of tombs with transepted chambers suggested by recent study of other sites. The nature of the circumstances surrounding this transformation remains unclear. The burials of phase I suggest the necessity of revising current notions about the ubiquity of secondary disposal in mortuary structures and tombs. In situ transformations suggest a very active concern with the dead, and offset the non-monumental character of the primary mortuary structure. In the relative absence of other detailed local evidence it is hard to relate the site to its local context, though comparisons can be drawn with the sequences of the neighbouring upper Thames valley and the upper Kennet valley and surrounding downland.

This paper questions whether the current model of hillforts as central places for the control and redistribution of goods in Iron Age Britain is appropriate by reviewing the evidence for the production and distribution of both pottery vessels and salt in ceramic containers. Suitable data found in published reports of excavations from all parts of Britain are considered, if available, and the information is synthesized by defined region and broad phase.

The investigation of settlements as functional units is one of the cornerstones of the approach to prehistory that Grahame Clark has done so much to foster over the years. I hope therefore that the following account of the earliest phases in the development of one which played a role of major importance in the prehistory of Crete, and so of Europe, may be an appropriate contribution to the present collection of essays in his honour.

The beginnings and subsequent expansion of the Neolithic community of Knossos has become fully intelligible for the first time as a result of the two seasons of excavation carried out in 1969 and 1970. The early soundings of Evans and Mackenzie, though they indicated that the Neolithic deposit had covered a large area, threw little or no light on the growth of the settlement, and, apart from the Late Neolithic houses in the Central Court, which were cleared in 1923–4 (Evans, 1928, 1–21), none at all on its nature.

Experimental, analytical, and archaeological evidence is presented to describe the characteristics of thermal alteration in mesolithic assemblages from the northern Netherlands. Experiments, both in the field and in the laboratory, have established the sequence of changes that occur when flint is subjected to heat. Analytical techniques involving the scanning electron microscope and thermoluminescence analysis are used in an attempt to recognize thermal pretreatment and to define the stages in manufacturing in which it was used. The proportions and spatial distributions of thermally-altered artefacts are employed to compare archaeological assemblages and to locate heat sources on occupation floors. In spite of high incidence of heat alteration in the assemblages, there is no conclusive evidence for intentional thermal pretreatment.

This article provides a summary of the archaeological context of Bell Beaker pottery from two Ambrona Valley (Soria, Spain) tombs whose chemical analysis identifies the existence of a primitive wheat beer. This is compared with other new analyses in Iberia, from both Neolithic and Copper Age sites, which also demonstrate the use of alcoholic beverages. The two Ambrona examples are Copper Age Bell Beaker intrusions into earlier Middle Neolithic Monumental graves. The archaeological features of both discoveries are described, and an interpretation is offered concerning the social and symbolic context in which these Bell Beaker inhumations were deposited, and the role that alcoholic beverages such as beer might have played in this social context.

The central massif of the Lake District around Great Langdale and Scafell Pike was one of the major locations for the production of Neolithic, polished stone axes. In response to the continuing erosion of the axe production sites a field survey was undertaken in 1984 and 1985. 566 distinct working sites were identified, within 35 groups; each site was recorded and the site data and high-scale survey plans are presented in microfiche. A fourfold categorization of the working sites is suggested which relates production methods to significant geological, topographic and geomorphic elements of the landscape. The quantity of axe waste, particularly in the Langdale area, confirms that production was on a massive scale and the variations in strategy and methods of extraction suggest a development through time towards greater sophistication and organization. Estimates of relative flake quantities for each group of sites have been used to compare the varying levels of activity at each group. A similar analysis was used to estimate the extent to which differing strategies were used at the two main production areas. Petrographic analysis of the outcrops which were exploited and the debitage associated with axe manufacture suggest that it may be possible to attribute dispersed products to specific production areas.

For several years prior to 1935, the Ipswich Museum, through the kindness of Mr P. H. Jordan, had been enriched by gifts of fossil mammalian bones and teeth found in a gravel pit at Brundon, near Sudbury, Suffolk. From my occasional visits to this excavation, it was clear that a very rich bone bed existed there, and discoveries from time to time, of flint implements in the gravel, led me to conclude that excavations conducted at this site would yield good results. This was confirmed by the geological features of the section, which appeared to show a stratified gravel resting upon, and overlaid by, glacial deposits, thus affording an opportunity of examining that by no means common phenomenon—a true inter-glacial bed.

The object of this article is to record the discovery of a group of Maglemosian spearheads from Brandesburton and of a single specimen from the foreshore at Hornsea, both in the Holderness region of East Yorkshire; to describe the new finds in detail and to compare them with those previously known from eastern England; and to record (Part II) the results of a palaeoecological investigation of the immediate area of the Brandesburton discovery. The opportunity has been taken to examine and describe afresh all previously known specimens of closely similar type from England, each of which has been redrawn from three aspects and details of which have been photographed to illustrate the technique of manufacture.

In this article, the author identifies the concentration principle for the accumulation of large quantities of objects in the settlements of the Balkan Neolithic and Copper Age and suggests reasons for this principle. One of the chief examples of this principle is the structured deposition of objects in pits. After the characterisation of the location of such pits – whether under houses or in the open air, there is a discussion of the forms of deposits in pits – including human bone deposits, burnt deposits and unusual combinations of rare and quotidian objects, as related to different manifestations of the life-cycle of the pits. The structure of the deposits is investigated in the light of their immense variability. Rather than attempting to ‘explain’ all the cited examples in a global, structuralist manner, the pits and their contents are interpreted in terms of local strategies of categorisation of everyday and exotic materials used in social practices. This does not exclude broader forms of prehistoric rationality, which appear to endure over a long period of time and in many different regions. These findings are related to the wider social dynamics of enchainment and accumulation – two important long-term social practices characterising the Balkan Neolithic and Copper Age.

The discovery and initial excavation of an unenclosed, timber platform settlement site of Late Bronze Age date is described. The site is located in open Fen just off the Fen-edge at Fengate in an area of well-known prehistoric activity. The site includes the remains of a remarkably well-preserved three-aisled rectangular building, with at least two floor levels still intact. Finds include items of pottery, flint and wood. Current environmental research is outlined and the report concludes with a discussion of the site's role and status.

The Assendelver Polders, 20 km west-north-west of Amsterdam (fig. 1), consist of some 2000 ha of typically flat Dutch polder landscape, treeless and cut by hundreds of drainage ditches, primarily in use for grazing. Observations by amateur archaeologists and a few small excavations have shown that the area was relatively densely populated during the period 2150 bp to 1750 bp. There were also indications for occupation around 2500 bp. The site discussed in this paper dates to this earlier period, the Early Iron Age. Until recently, circumstances were good for the preservation of organic remains owing to the high water table of the peat which covers large parts of the polders. Wooden posts, representing structural elements, were regularly retrieved by amateurs, as well as occasional lengths of wattle-work. These favourable conditions were, however, brought to an end in connexion with changes in the allotment scheme, implemented between 1970 and 1978. The organic remains became acutely threatened by desiccation due to the lowering of the water table by c. 1 m. Because of this, the Albert Egges van Giffen Institute for Pre- and Protohistory, of the University of Amsterdam, initiated the Assendelver Polders Project. Fieldwork took place in the polders during the summer months of 1978–82.

This paper outlines the results of a programme of radiocarbon dating and Bayesian modelling relating to an Early Bronze Age barrow cemetery at Over, Cambridgeshire. In total, 43 dates were obtained, enabling the first high-resolution independent chronology (relating to both burial and architectural events) to be constructed for a site of this kind. The results suggest that the three main turf-mound barrows were probably constructed and used successively rather than simultaneously, that the shift from inhumation to cremation seen on the site was not a straightforward progression, and that the four main ‘types’ of cremation burial in evidence were used throughout the life of the site. Overall, variability in terms of burial practice appears to have been a key feature of the site. The paper also considers the light that the fine-grained chronology developed can shed on recent much wider discussions of memory and time within Early Bronze Age barrows

This report describes Neolithic pottery dated 2730 bc and Beaker pottery found in apparently domestic contexts; and many Bronze Age funerary features. The latter begin with two food-vessel cremations and include two barrows about one of which were ten cremation graves. Close by were another 140 cremation graves, many yielding Deverel-Rimbury pottery. Carbon-14 dates indicate the use of this cemetery between 1556 bc and 762 bc.

A new date for the assumed first humans in Mallorca disagrees strongly with the earliest dating of them. New light on the first settlement of Mallorca comes from the discussion of dates and the review of the empirical evidence for that settlement. We conclude that human arrival on Mallorca must be situated in the 3rd millennium cal BC.