This article provides a summary of the archaeological context of Bell Beaker pottery from two Ambrona Valley (Soria, Spain) tombs whose chemical analysis identifies the existence of a primitive wheat beer. This is compared with other new analyses in Iberia, from both Neolithic and Copper Age sites, which also demonstrate the use of alcoholic beverages. The two Ambrona examples are Copper Age Bell Beaker intrusions into earlier Middle Neolithic Monumental graves. The archaeological features of both discoveries are described, and an interpretation is offered concerning the social and symbolic context in which these Bell Beaker inhumations were deposited, and the role that alcoholic beverages such as beer might have played in this social context.

The central massif of the Lake District around Great Langdale and Scafell Pike was one of the major locations for the production of Neolithic, polished stone axes. In response to the continuing erosion of the axe production sites a field survey was undertaken in 1984 and 1985. 566 distinct working sites were identified, within 35 groups; each site was recorded and the site data and high-scale survey plans are presented in microfiche. A fourfold categorization of the working sites is suggested which relates production methods to significant geological, topographic and geomorphic elements of the landscape. The quantity of axe waste, particularly in the Langdale area, confirms that production was on a massive scale and the variations in strategy and methods of extraction suggest a development through time towards greater sophistication and organization. Estimates of relative flake quantities for each group of sites have been used to compare the varying levels of activity at each group. A similar analysis was used to estimate the extent to which differing strategies were used at the two main production areas. Petrographic analysis of the outcrops which were exploited and the debitage associated with axe manufacture suggest that it may be possible to attribute dispersed products to specific production areas.

The investigation of settlements as functional units is one of the cornerstones of the approach to prehistory that Grahame Clark has done so much to foster over the years. I hope therefore that the following account of the earliest phases in the development of one which played a role of major importance in the prehistory of Crete, and so of Europe, may be an appropriate contribution to the present collection of essays in his honour.

The beginnings and subsequent expansion of the Neolithic community of Knossos has become fully intelligible for the first time as a result of the two seasons of excavation carried out in 1969 and 1970. The early soundings of Evans and Mackenzie, though they indicated that the Neolithic deposit had covered a large area, threw little or no light on the growth of the settlement, and, apart from the Late Neolithic houses in the Central Court, which were cleared in 1923–4 (Evans, 1928, 1–21), none at all on its nature.

After the successful construction of the Overton Down Experimental Earthwork (Jewell 1963), the Experimental Earthworks Committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science went ahead with plans to build a second earthwork. It was agreed to site this on acidic sands in lowland Britain, thus providing a contrast to the alkaline environment of Overton Down. The site chosen was the Morden Bog National Nature Reserve, Wareham, Dorset. This report is an account of the construction of the earthwork and of the results of the first four sections.

This paper reports on the recovery of Palaeolithic flint artefacts and faunal remains from fluvial gravels at the base of a sequence of Pleistocene sediments revealed during construction works at two sites to the south of Swanscombe village, Kent. Although outside the mapped extent of the Boyn Hill/Orsett Heath Formation, the newly discovered deposits can be firmly correlated with the Middle Gravels and Upper Loam from the Barnfield Pit sequence dating to c. 400,000–380,000 BP. This increases greatly the known extent of these deposits, one horizon of which produced the Swanscombe Skull, and has provided more information on their upper part.

Comparison of the lithic assemblages from volume-controlled sieving with those from general monitoring demonstrated that artefact collections formed without controlled methods of recovery, such as form the majority of the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic archaeological record, are likely to be disproportionately dominated by larger, more visible, and more collectable neatly-made handaxes to the detriment of more poorly made, asymmetrical handaxes and cores, flakes, and percussors. The lithic assemblage from the fluvial gravel was confirmed as dominated by pointed handaxes, supporting previous studies of artefacts front the equivalent Lower Middle Gravel at Barnfield Pit. The raw material characteristics of the assemblage were investigated, and it was concluded that there was no indication that the preference for pointed shapes could be related to either the shape or source of raw material.

This paper also reviews the significance of lithic assemblages from disturbed fluvial contexts, and concludes that, contrary to some current perspectives, they have a valuable role to play complementing less disturbed evidence in developing understanding of the Palaeolithic.

Excavation by Charles McBurney and John Clegg during the early 1960s revealed a sequence with a Mousterian occupation, of which the principal finds were two bout coupé handaxes, stratified close to the base of a Middle Devensian hyaena-den accumulation. The human occupation should belong within the period 64–38 ka with comparative and stratigraphic evidence favouring a date within the earlier part of this range before 50 ka. The hyaena-den occupation probably extends from at least 40 ka (if not 60 ka) until c. 24 ka.

The object of this article is to record the discovery of a group of Maglemosian spearheads from Brandesburton and of a single specimen from the foreshore at Hornsea, both in the Holderness region of East Yorkshire; to describe the new finds in detail and to compare them with those previously known from eastern England; and to record (Part II) the results of a palaeoecological investigation of the immediate area of the Brandesburton discovery. The opportunity has been taken to examine and describe afresh all previously known specimens of closely similar type from England, each of which has been redrawn from three aspects and details of which have been photographed to illustrate the technique of manufacture.

In this article, the author identifies the concentration principle for the accumulation of large quantities of objects in the settlements of the Balkan Neolithic and Copper Age and suggests reasons for this principle. One of the chief examples of this principle is the structured deposition of objects in pits. After the characterisation of the location of such pits – whether under houses or in the open air, there is a discussion of the forms of deposits in pits – including human bone deposits, burnt deposits and unusual combinations of rare and quotidian objects, as related to different manifestations of the life-cycle of the pits. The structure of the deposits is investigated in the light of their immense variability. Rather than attempting to ‘explain’ all the cited examples in a global, structuralist manner, the pits and their contents are interpreted in terms of local strategies of categorisation of everyday and exotic materials used in social practices. This does not exclude broader forms of prehistoric rationality, which appear to endure over a long period of time and in many different regions. These findings are related to the wider social dynamics of enchainment and accumulation – two important long-term social practices characterising the Balkan Neolithic and Copper Age.

The prehistory of Cape York Peninsula, in tropical northern Australia, has been more intensively investigated than that of most other parts of the continent. As a result, a considerable database now exists by which long-term archaeological trends can be evaluated. In this paper we investigate temporal trends in occupational intensities and patterns of land use during the last 37,000 years by employing: 1, the temporal distribution of all radiocarbon dates obtained for the region; 2, the numbers of sites occupied through time; and 3, rates of establishment of new sites during the course of prehistory. These archaeological trends are then compared with the palaeo-environmental record of the region to determine its potential influence on the trends. We conclude that an initial, long period of regional occupation occurred (c. 37,000–4000 BP) when cultural trends varied in tandem with gross environmental fluctuations. This was followed by a late Holocene period (post 4000 BP) when cultural trajectories diverged significantly from environmental trends. This suggests that more complex Aboriginal demographic processes were set in train during the late Holocene, associated with social structures that were more dynamic than previously. We suggest that while changing patterns of land use may be apparent, their understanding requires an enquiry into periods of emergence — that is, their immediate historical antecedents. These results have broader implications for our understanding of Australian prehistory and the prehistory of other hunter-gatherer societies.

The discovery and initial excavation of an unenclosed, timber platform settlement site of Late Bronze Age date is described. The site is located in open Fen just off the Fen-edge at Fengate in an area of well-known prehistoric activity. The site includes the remains of a remarkably well-preserved three-aisled rectangular building, with at least two floor levels still intact. Finds include items of pottery, flint and wood. Current environmental research is outlined and the report concludes with a discussion of the site's role and status.

Hillforts have always been central to interpretations of Iron Age society and Ian Armit's paper in this journal (2007) re-introduces the question of whether or not they represent ‘endemic warfare’. This response will critique claims for warfare in the Early and Middle Iron Age of Wessex and present an alternative view of hillforts and how they may have been used. It is argued that within dispersed small scale agricultural societies the communal building, maintenance, and use of hillforts can act to structure the sociality of people whose interests are in creating a harmonious existence. Within this view, hillforts act as metaphors for the managing of emotional relationships within groups of people as they go about their daily lives.

The Assendelver Polders, 20 km west-north-west of Amsterdam (fig. 1), consist of some 2000 ha of typically flat Dutch polder landscape, treeless and cut by hundreds of drainage ditches, primarily in use for grazing. Observations by amateur archaeologists and a few small excavations have shown that the area was relatively densely populated during the period 2150 bp to 1750 bp. There were also indications for occupation around 2500 bp. The site discussed in this paper dates to this earlier period, the Early Iron Age. Until recently, circumstances were good for the preservation of organic remains owing to the high water table of the peat which covers large parts of the polders. Wooden posts, representing structural elements, were regularly retrieved by amateurs, as well as occasional lengths of wattle-work. These favourable conditions were, however, brought to an end in connexion with changes in the allotment scheme, implemented between 1970 and 1978. The organic remains became acutely threatened by desiccation due to the lowering of the water table by c. 1 m. Because of this, the Albert Egges van Giffen Institute for Pre- and Protohistory, of the University of Amsterdam, initiated the Assendelver Polders Project. Fieldwork took place in the polders during the summer months of 1978–82.

The explorations conducted by the Institute of Archaeology, Allahabad University, in the last few years in the alluvial plain of the Central Ganga Valley, bounded by the Ganga on the south and the Sarju on the north, have brought to light extensive traces of Stone Age occupation in an area completely devoid of rocks. The work has also revealed the connection between this appearance of early man and the morphological features brought about by the changing course of the Ganga in the Pleistocene. The Gangetic alluvial is clearly divided into two distinct formations, the older known as Bhagar, and the younger as Khadar. The terminal of the Bhagar constituted the bank of the Ganga when it was actually forming this area and gradually receding southwards to form the deposit of the Khadar. Over a very wide area the exposed sections of the Bhagar (fig. 1) consist of four layers having a thickness of 8 to 10·5 m. On the top there is a sandy soil (30 cm to 1·50 m) overlying a plastic clay deposit (90 cm to 2 m in thickness). The third layer is constituted by blackish soil (1·50 m to 3 m) full of small kankar nodules. The bottommost exposed layer or the fourth (2 m to 4 m) from the top, containing kankars, is yellowish in colour. There is no doubt that the sandy deposit capping the old formation marks the end of an epoch in the life of the Ganga, and it was deposited by the river with a flood-plane higher by at least 10 metres than its highest flood-plane subsequently recorded.

A double-ditched sub-rectangular enclosure measuring c.42 by 48 m was excavated. It was shown to have been a Late Bronze Age settlement, with a single central roundhouse opposite the only entrance, and with a rectangular structure in one corner. The site produced a typical range of Late Bronze Age artefacts. The site is low-lying, and environmental data from the waterlogged fills of a well indicate an open landscape of damp grassland. These factors together with the absence of waste from the earliest stages of crop-cleaning among carbonized plant remains from the enclosure, point to a primarily pastoral economy.

A few Neolithic features and artefacts were also found but these are not considered to represent permanent settlement.

This paper is in a sense a by-product of a detailed study of ‘Dark Age’ metalwork and grew out of the realization that any interpretation of post-Roman history depends on an understanding of the archaeology of Roman and Iron Age Britain. For too long, the post-Roman world has been regarded as separate from the preceding periods, and has been seen mainly through aesthetic spectacles. Recent studies of the pottery of the period have to some extent corrected the perspective hitherto largely based on subjective and even nationalistic examinations of the better known art and metalwork. To make a new and comparable survey of the metalwork seemed worthwhile, and in doing this attention was focused on the ordinary, and common, pieces of metalwork which have been overshadowed by the more magnificent and highly decorated pieces. It became evident that in many ways the Roman occupation was not all important but was merely a minor factor in the development of material culture, and that this was particularly true of the Military Province of Britain. The specialist nature of so much of Romano-British archaeology has tended to obscure the continuity of Iron Age culture. It was felt that the selection of one or more pieces of metalwork might illustrate this as well as providing a background for the achievements in metalwork and design in the ‘Dark Ages’.

The penannular brooch was chosen as the ‘type-fossil’ for this study because it was the typical and characteristic dress ornament of the Celtic post-Roman world, was equally common in Romano-British contexts and seemed to be native to these islands. A complete run through from Iron Age to Early Christian times has thus been obtained, and it is hoped that deductions drawn from a study of the penannular brooches may be paralleled and applied to other metalwork of the period and so allow general conclusions to be drawn. A more personal reason for selecting the penannular brooch was a desire to investigate the reasons for such a bewildering variety of contradictory opinions on the origin and development of the type.

Experimental, analytical, and archaeological evidence is presented to describe the characteristics of thermal alteration in mesolithic assemblages from the northern Netherlands. Experiments, both in the field and in the laboratory, have established the sequence of changes that occur when flint is subjected to heat. Analytical techniques involving the scanning electron microscope and thermoluminescence analysis are used in an attempt to recognize thermal pretreatment and to define the stages in manufacturing in which it was used. The proportions and spatial distributions of thermally-altered artefacts are employed to compare archaeological assemblages and to locate heat sources on occupation floors. In spite of high incidence of heat alteration in the assemblages, there is no conclusive evidence for intentional thermal pretreatment.

After a generation of intensive regional surface survey in the Mediterranean lands, it is both necessary and enlightening to evaluate the ways in which this new approach has produced results which either support, or demand modifications to, or directly challenge, previous ideas on the evolution of human settlement systems in this macro-region. Given that many regional survey projects have only recently achieved final publication, or are in the final stages of so doing, the implications of these recent discoveries are only now becoming apparent or discussed. The present paper is one attempt to draw wider conclusions from a region of Central Greece – the province of Boeotia, where the author has been conducting intensive survey since 1979. Specifically it compares the state of knowledge regarding the settlement evolution of the region based upon an earlier topographic and extensive survey tradition (Tossey 1988), with the results now available from the author and colleagues' intensive survey in two districts of the province.

A radical reinterpretation of the later prehistoric settlement systems is proposed with significant modifications also to the reconstruction of Classical and Hellenistic settlement networks. Closer agreement with prior knowledge is found with the new information for Roman and Late Roman settlement, whilst the further evolution of regional communities in medieval and post-medieval times – left out of Tossey's Gazetteer – can now be set out in some detail. The latter periods, as a result of highly informative historical sources, especially village tax registers, provide a cautionary tale in the complexities of matching archaeological settlement ‘continuities’ or ‘shifts’ with population and ethnic continuity. The overall analysis for the long-term settlement history of the province leads to the suggestion that similarities in settlement patterns have more to do with geography ‘constraining and enabling’ than with continuities of particular population or ethnic groups. This could seriously undermine the currently fashionable emphasis in Landscape Archaeology on the role of ‘memory’ and a ‘sense of place’ in the interpretation of past settlement networks.

The alteration of black or dark-coloured flint artifacts to produce a white surface is familiar to archaeologists. This patination is attributed to weathering, and was first explained by Judd in 1887. Judd suggested that flint is composed of a felted aggregate of euhedral quartz needles with colloidal (opaline) silica occupying the interstices between the crystalline grains. He postulated that carbonate-bearing ground-water leached the more soluble amorphous silica, leaving minute interstitial cavities in the altered margin of the flint. The multitudes of surfaces thus produced reflect and refract light falling upon or passing through the flint, and the resulting scattering causes the white appearance of the altered portion. Judd cited the white aspect of powdered black obsidian as an example of such scattering effects.

This paper takes Neolithic pits as a starting point from which to investigate the broader issues of settlement and deposition in Britain at that time. It suggests that while sites made up primarily, and often only, of pits have recently been incorporated much more readily into accounts of the period, they are still not well understood. It is only by investigating the character of occupation across the landscape as a whole, and the nature of deposits in a variety of different contexts, that we will be able to understand pits, settlement, or deposition fully. On the basis of a study of this kind, it is suggested that pits were sited in specific locations which might be considered suitable for ‘settlement’; it is also demonstrated that deposition varied considerably between contexts and over time. By including large numbers of sites known only through ‘grey’ reports and Historic Environment Records, the study draws on an important body of work which has been under-used in the past. The paper focuses primarily on East Anglia, a region well-known for its pit sites but not well-known for its monuments; in doing so, it aims to counterbalance the weight of previous narratives which have tended to focus on other parts of Britain.

A new date for the assumed first humans in Mallorca disagrees strongly with the earliest dating of them. New light on the first settlement of Mallorca comes from the discussion of dates and the review of the empirical evidence for that settlement. We conclude that human arrival on Mallorca must be situated in the 3rd millennium cal BC.