Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-l7hp2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-01T00:34:49.589Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Excavations at Mad Mans Window, Glenarm, Co. Antrim: Problems of Flint Exploitation in East Antrim

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 February 2014

P. C. Woodman*
Affiliation:
Department of Archaeology, University College Cork, Cork, Ireland

Abstract

This study examines the archaeological significance of the material from a group of Neolithic chipping floors rescued during the rebuilding of the Antrim coast road, at Mad Mans Window, south of Glenarm, Co. Antrim. It shows that the lithic production strategies vary significantly between assemblages although it is presumed that they are all Neolithic in date and come from the same area of coast. It is apparent that flint axe production was of limited importance on these sites and that in spite of the abundance of flint available along the Antrim coast, relatively few polished flint axes were manufactured. Instead the numerous flint caches found in adjacent parts of the north-east of Ireland tend to produce scrapers and blades. Hoards containing arrowheads may be confined to the Bronze Age.

Around 300 polished flint axes and roughouts are known from Ireland. These are frequently small and only partially polished. A limited number of highly polished axes with ground flat side facets have been designated sub-type A. The tendency to use porcellanite rather than flint for axe manufacture may be due to its ability to withstand robust shock.

During the last 100 years, the role of flint as a key resource in the stone age of north-eastern Ireland has always been recognized but this has usually led to an uncritical assumption as to the paramount importance of flint. Work in recent years has shown that its significance in attracting and retaining Mesolithic settlement may have been over-emphasized.

The role of the flint industries in the Irish Neolithic in this region has never been properly assessed, either in relation to older Mesolithic manufacturing traditions or in the broader context of supply to the Neolithic communities of this part of Ireland.

In particular, good or even reasonable quality flint is usually only exposed in Cretaceous outcrops along a narrow strip on the edge of the basalt plateau and, therefore, has a very limited availability in parts of Co. Antrim as well as parts of Counties Down and Deny. As a contrast, erratic and beach flint is available in some quantity down the east coast of Ireland from Co. Down to Wexford. A second potential constraining factor is that unlike Britain, where flint was exploited for axe manufacture in the east and other rocks in the west, flint sources and porcellanite for axe manufacturing are both found adjacent to each other in the same corner of Co. Antrim. In particular, a number of more substantial chipping floors of Neolithic age are known, e.g. the opencast quarry sites at Ballygalley Head. The purpose of this study is to assess the role of flint production on the Antrim coast with particular reference to its significance in the Neolithic. This topic will be developed in the context of an analysis of the material found at Mad Mans Window near Glenarm.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Prehistoric Society 1992

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bell, J. 1815. Various relics of antiquities found in Ireland. The Newry Register 1(4), 293–96.Google Scholar
Bell, R. & Bennett, S. A. 1923. A recently discovered prehistoric site in Co. Antrim. Proceedings of the Belfast Naturalists Field Club, 114.Google Scholar
Bordes, F. 1950. L'évolution buisson-nante des industries en Europe occidentale. Consideration théorique sur le Paléolithic Ancien et Moyen. L'Anthropologie 54, 393420.Google Scholar
Briggs, C. S. 1988. Stone resources and implements in prehistoric Ireland: a review. Ulster Journal of Archaeology 51, 520.Google Scholar
Buick, G. R. 1883. On flint workshop sites at Glenhue, County Antrim. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 16, 120–26.Google Scholar
Callander, J. G. 1917. A flint workshop on the Hill of Skares. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 51, 117–27.Google Scholar
Collins, A. E. P. 1968. Excavations at Dromore ringwork, Co. Antrim. Ulster Journal of Archaeology 31, 5966.Google Scholar
Collins, A. E. P. 1978. Excavations on Ballygalley Head, County Antrim. Ulster Journal of Archaeology 41, 1532.Google Scholar
Collins, A. E. P. & Waterman, D. M. 1955. Millin Bay, a Late Neolithic Cairn in County Down. Belfast: HMSO.Google Scholar
Darvill, T. 1989. The circulation of Neolithic stone and flint axes: a case study for Wales and the mid west of England. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 55, 2744.Google Scholar
Davidson, B. 1950. A flint axe from County Fermanagh. Ulster Journal of Archaeology 13, 42.Google Scholar
Day, R. 1891. Flint celt found near Conna, Co. Cork. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 21, 103.Google Scholar
Dumont, J. 1985. A preliminary report on the Mt Sandel micro-wear study. In Woodman, P. C., Excavations at Mt. Sandel 1973–77, 6170. Belfast: HMSO.Google Scholar
Evans, E. E. 1953. Lyles Hill: A Late Neolithic Site in County Antrim. Belfast: HMSO.Google Scholar
Evans, E. 1975. An archaeological miscellany. Ulster Journal of Archaeology 38, 1118.Google Scholar
Evans, E. & Davies, O. 1934. Excavations of a chambered horned cairn at Ballyalton, Co. Down. Proceedings of the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society 1, 7087.Google Scholar
Felder, P. J. 1981. Prehistoric flint mining at Ryckholt St Geertruid and Grimes Graves. In Engelen, F. H. G. (ed.), 3rd International Symposium on Flint, Staringia no. 6, 5761.Google Scholar
Ffrench, J. F. M. 1891. A flint celt from County Carlow. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 21, 342.Google Scholar
Flanagan, L. N. W. 1966. An unpublished flint hoard from the Braid Valley, Co. Antrim. Ulster Journal of Archaeology 29, 8790.Google Scholar
Flanagan, L. N. W. 1970. A flint hoard from Ballyclare, Co. Antrim. Ulster Journal of Archaeology 33, 1522.Google Scholar
Flanagan, L. N. W. 1978. Index to minor placenames from 6″ Ordnance Survey maps, Co. Antrim. Bulletin of the Ulster Placenames Society (2nd Series) 1, 5981.Google Scholar
Flanagan, L. N. W. 1979. Index to minor placenames from 6″ Ordnance Survey maps, Co. Derry. Bulletin of the Ulster Placenames Society (2nd Series) 2, 6174.Google Scholar
Gardiner, J. 1990. Flint procurement and Neolithic axe production on the South Downs: a re-assessment. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 9(2), 119–40.Google Scholar
Gray, Wm. 1882. The character and distribution of the rudely worked flints of the North of Ireland. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (Ser. 4) 5, 109–42.Google Scholar
Hansen, P. V. & Madsen, B. 1983. Flint axe manufacture in the Neolithic, an experimental investigation of a flint axe manufacturing site at Hastrup Vaenget, East Zealand. Journal of Danish Archaeology 2, 4359.Google Scholar
Harding, P. 1989. An experiment to produce a ground flint axe. In G. de G, . Sieveking & Newcomer, Mark (eds), The Human Uses of Flint and Chert, 3741. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Hartnett, P. J. 1954. Newgrange passage grave. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 84, 181–82.Google Scholar
Herity, M. 1987. The finds from Irish court tombs. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 87c, 103281.Google Scholar
Jope, E. M. & Preston, J. 1953. An axe of stone from Great Langdale Lake District, found in County Antrim. Ulster Journal of Archaeology 16, 3136.Google Scholar
Knowles, W. J. 1893. Irish stone axes and chisels. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 23, 140–63.Google Scholar
Knowles, W. J. 1898. Irish flint scrapers. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 28, 367–92.Google Scholar
Knowles, W. J. 1912. Prehistoric stone implements from the River Bann and Lough Neagh. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 30, 195222.Google Scholar
Knutsson, K. 1988. Making and using stone tools. SocietarArchaeologica Upsaliensis Aun 11. Upsala.Google Scholar
Liversage, G. D. 1968. Excavations at Dalkey Island, Co. Dublin 1956–59. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. 66C, 53233.Google Scholar
Newcomer, M. H. 1971. Some quantitative experiments in handaxe manufacture. World Archaeology 3, 8594.Google Scholar
Newcomer, M. 1975. Spontaneous retouch. In Engelen, F. H. G. (ed.), 2nd International Symposium on Flint, Staringia no. 3, 6264.Google Scholar
Newry Register, 1815. An account of some flint barbed arrow-points lately found in this country. Newry Register 1(1), 136–37.Google Scholar
O'Kelly, M. J. 1982. Newgrange. Archaeology, Art and Legend. London: Thames & Hudson.Google Scholar
Olausson, D. S. 1982. Lithic technological analysis of the thin butted axe. Acta Archaeologica 53, 188.Google Scholar
Raftery, J. 1961. National Museum of Ireland archaeological acquisitions in the year 1959. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 89, 43109.Google Scholar
Raftery, J. 1971. National Museum of Ireland archaeological acquisitions in the year 1968. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 101, 184244.Google Scholar
Saville, A. 1981. Grimes Graves, Norfolk. Excavations 1971–72, vol. 2. London: HMSO.Google Scholar
Saville, A. & Sheridan, A. 1990. The Campbeltown flint hoard. Past 9, 4.Google Scholar
Sheridan, A. 1986. Porcellanite artefacts, a new survey. Ulster Journal of Archeology 49, 1932.Google Scholar
Torrence, R. 1984. Monopoly or direct access? Industrial organisation at the Melos obsidian quarries. In Ericson, J. E. & Purdy, B.A. (eds), Prehistoric Quarries and Lithic Production, 4964. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Torrence, R. 1986. Production and Exchange of Stone Tools. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Wilde, W. 1857. A Descriptive Catalogue of the Antiquities of Stone, Earthen and Vegetable Materials in the Museum of A the Royal Irish Academy. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. C. 1967. A flint hoard from Killybeg, Ulster Journal of Archaeology 30, 814.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. C. 1974. The chronological position of the latest phases of the Larnian. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 74C, 237–58.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. C. 1978. The Mesolithic in Ireland. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. C. 1981. Problems of flint utilization in Eastern Ireland. In Engelen, F. H. G. (ed.), 3rd International Symposium on Flint, Staringia no. 6, 113–15.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. C. 1985. Excavations at Mt Sandel 1973–77. Belfast: HMSO.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. C. 1987. The impact of resource availability on lithic industrial traditions in prehistoric Ireland. In Rowley-Conwy, P., Zvelebil, M. & Blankholm, H. P. (eds), Mesolithic North-West Europe: Recent Trends, 138–46. Sheffield: Department of Archaeology and Prehistory, University of Sheffield.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. C. & Anderson, E. 1990. The Irish Later Mesolithic: a partial picture. In Vermeersch, P. & Peer, P. van (eds), Contributions to the Mesolithic in Europe, Leuven 1990, 377–89. Leuven: Leuven University Press.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. C. & Griffiths, D. A. 1988. The archaeological importance of flint sources in Munster. Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society 93, 6672.Google Scholar
Woodmartin, W. G. 1895. Pagan Ireland: An Archaeological Sketch. London: Longmans Green.Google Scholar