This article focuses on one potential motivation for a state's behaviour in international affairs, namely status-seeking, in order to shed light on Norway's Arctic politics and to discuss the role of hierarchies in Arctic politics more generally. The idea that a state's political elite seek national security and economic gain is well established in international relations (IR) literature. However, another key motivation of human behaviour – seeking status and respect – is frequently overlooked as a potential factor shaping states’ behaviour. The argument begins with a brief review of post-cold war Arctic politics followed by a discussion of the status-related literature in IR. Norway's position in the Arctic Council (AC) and in bilateral relations with Russia is then examined, with particular attention paid to the extent to which other Arctic states acknowledge and confirm Norway's status claims. Norway's status as an information provider, a convener and a bridge to Russia gives the country a degree of influence in Arctic multilateral settings. Given the Arctic region's relatively peaceful nature and the emphasis on circumpolar cooperation, space has been made for creative approaches to status. Size and military or economic greatness are not always decisive factors for taking a lead in today's Arctic politics.

During the post-Soviet period, fishery became one of the main sources of income for the inhabitants of Evenki villages in the northern Baikal region. When a number of villagers lost their official jobs, they managed to earn money by selling fish. Most people are required to fish during a particular season and to follow official quotas. Special indigenous Evenki quotas, however, are usually in excess of regular official guidelines and those who can use these quotas usually exceed them. This results in a tension between the way local Evenki people judge their own actions and the way their actions are judged by the official authorities. The law never covers all the areas of human activities, and in these gaps regular people manage to control certain institutions, knowledge and the use of landscapes themselves. In a discussion of the northern Baikal area, I employ the term ‘free spaces’, that describes the weakening of external control over the sphere of activities which are essential for local people's survival. This lessening of control has led people to regulate the fishing situation locally, resulting in many violations of fishing laws not being registered in official documents. The purpose of this paper is to to discuss a case of ‘free spaces’ in the post-Soviet Evenki village, with particular focus upon the village's non-compliance with official fishery regulations. This article investigates the reasons for, and the social mechanisms guiding, non-compliant behaviour in a northern Baikal Evenki village. It argues that non-compliance with fishery regulations should be interpreted within the context of local mechanisms of social control, market relations, reciprocity and cooperation.

Many writers have presented Joseph Elzéar Bernier (1852–1934) as a hero whose key role in establishing Canada's sovereignty over the Arctic islands was unjustly downplayed by the government he served. According to this view, the sector claim that Bernier made on 1 July 1909 is the true foundation of Canada's title to the archipelago. This article draws on government files to assess civil servants’ attitude to his sovereignty-related activities. It also describes the role played by James White, whose more sophisticated and effective sector concept predated Bernier's and served as the basis for the official sector claim made in June 1925. The evidence indicates that government officials in the 1920s were well justified in their doubts about Bernier's pretensions. However, even though they rejected his version of the sector theory and resented the campaign of self-glorification on which he embarked after his retirement, their personal relations with him were good, and they took considerable trouble to ensure what they considered to be an appropriate degree of recognition for him. The article therefore clarifies the differences between Bernier's rhetoric and reality, particularly with regard to the sector principle.

In writing and interviews Roland Huntford has stated that at the end of his life Captain Robert Falcon Scott ‘probably’ had no reason to wish to survive, and that he ‘persuaded’ Dr Edward A. Wilson and Lieutenant Henry Bowers to remain in the tent with him when they could have gone forward. This commentary demonstrates that Huntford's interpretation of events shows a serious misunderstanding of the primary sources and historical context; that Wilson and Bowers could not have survived had they gone forward, a fact which Huntford himself understands; and that Scott had extremely strong motivation to wish to return home.

We argue that the current understanding of the Arctic as a region fraught by increasing tension and competition under conditions of climate change is an incomplete story. It ignores many salient developments in furthering co-operation and human security agendas, and marginalises some of the more complex and interesting developments within the region. Such changes in ‘natural states’ do not, in and of themselves, create geopolitical and political instability. Rather, it is the way in which change is understood as a problem for institutional and international organs that creates conditions for co-operation or competition. In the Arctic today, the balance is tipped in favour of co-operation, but the situation is complex and many actors have vested interests.

Henry Wood Elliott (1846–1930), a U.S. Treasury official assigned to monitor the harvest of northern fur seals on the Pribilof Islands in the 1870s, became a self-taught expert on, and defender of, the species. His careful documentation of the seals’ breeding behaviour, and of their commercial harvest, complemented by hundreds of detailed and evocative watercolours, provides a unique record of this once abundant species and the lucrative industry that revolved around it. Elliott's outspoken lobbying on behalf of the seals’ protection is often credited with saving the species from extinction. His paintings of the seals, the seal harvest, and life on the Pribilof Islands in the second half of the nineteenth century constitute an unmatched historical record of this remote region.

Elliott was able to witness two full breeding seasons (and harvesting) of the fur seals during his initial stay on the Pribilofs from April 1872 to October 1873. He returned to the islands to conduct a follow-up census of the seals, on behalf of the U.S. Government, in the summer of 1874. He traveled there unofficially and at his own expense in 1876. His fourth trip to the Pribilofs was in the spring of 1890 (again on behalf of the U.S. Department of the Treasury), in response to news of a dramatic decline of the seal populations. In April, 1891, because of his public revelation of mismanagement of the fur seal harvest, Elliott was fired by the Treasury. He continued his tireless lobbying on behalf of the fur seals as a private citizen for the rest of his life. He visited the Pribilofs for the last time on behalf of the House Committee on Expenditures in the Department of Commerce and Labor in the summer of 1913. Born in Cleveland Ohio on November 13, 1846, Elliott died in Seattle Washington on May 25, 1930.

This article investigates recent reforms of the Greenland coastal fisheries in order to contribute to the general lessons on reform and policy networks in the context of a changing Arctic stakeholdership. It analyses participation in fisheries governance decision-making by examining the emergence of discourses and policy networks that come to define the very need for reform. A policy network is identified across state ministries, powerful officials, banks and large scale industry that defined the need for fisheries reform within a ‘grand reform’ discourse. But inertia characterised the actual decision-making process as reform according to this ‘grand reform’ discourse was blocked by a combination of small-scale fishers’ informal networks and the power of the parliamentary majority. After a parliamentary shift in power the new government implemented the ‘grand reform’ gradually whilst new patterns of participation and exclusion emerged. In this process, the identities of the participating participants were reinterpreted to fit the new patterns of influence and participation. The article argues that fishery reform does not necessarily start with the collective recognition of a problem in marine resource use and a power-neutral process of institutional learning. Instead, it argues that fishery reform is likely to be the ‘reform of somebody’ and that this ‘somebody’ is itself a changing identity.

This article presents a model for the analysis of the domestic-international nexus of Arctic politics. It offers a preliminary attempt at mapping the domestic politics of Arctic boundary disputes in Canada. It explores the potential impact of domestic politics on such disputes by identifying the interests of domestic stakeholders in the Canadian Arctic. The paper views maritime boundary negotiations as a ‘two-level game’ in which negotiations occur internationally and domestically. The paper argues that the domestic level negotiation is contingent on how the issues are ‘framed’ between policymakers and their constituents. The paper identifies ways that domestic actors can reduce the number of acceptable outcomes in a two-level game, thereby impeding cooperation.

In 1896, Sir William Martin Conway led an expedition to the Arctic archipelago of Svalbard, then a terra nullius. It was the first expedition to cross the interior of the main island, Spitsbergen. Was Conway an ‘expert’ explorer or an enthusiastic amateur, or something in-between? This article examines Conway's comparisons of Arctic versus Alpine in his expedition narrative, The first crossing of Spitsbergen, and his portrayal of expedition members’ expertise and shortcomings. Distinctions between Arctic explorers, travellers and tourists at that time are assessed, as is Conway's occasional tendency to highlight the polar aspects of his homeland while perceiving the island of Spitsbergen in a notably English light. Conway's expert status developed with the subsequent publication of journal articles and No man's land, the first history of Svalbard. In the latter, his simplicity of style and form, and the pronounced British bias of the main narrative, contrast with the scholarly breadth and focus of the final reference sections, which acted as a catalyst for subsequent international bibliographical and cartographical compilations relating to the region.

The Arctic pole of inaccessibility (API), defined as the point on the Arctic Ocean that is farthest from any land, is commonly asserted to lie at 84° 03′ N, 174° 51′ W. We show that the true position is 85° 48′ N, 176° 09′ E, over 200 km from the traditional location. The reason for this error is unknown.

In thirteen (mostly soil) mixed samples, collected from nine localities on the Antarctic continent and some of the neighbouring islands, 788 specimens and 32 eggs of tardigrades were found. In total, five species were identified: Acutuncus antarcticus, Echiniscus jenningsi, Diphascon (D.) victoriae, Hypsibius dujardini and Ramajendas dastychi sp. nov. A. antarcticus was the most abundant (nearly 90% of all specimens) and was the prevailing taxon found in the majority of locations. R. dastychi sp. nov. is the fourth species described in the exclusively Antarctic/sub-Antarctic genus. The new species differs from all other congeners by the presence of four gibbosities on the caudo-dorsal cuticle (configuration II:2–2) and also by some morphometric characters. In this paper we also briefly discuss the taxonomy and zoogeography of the genus Ramajendas.

In Alaska, fishing provides important economic and socio-cultural benefits for rural communities. This paper presents some of the findings from a research project that investigated the role of commercial and subsistence fishing in the maintenance of economic and social viability, and the ways in which residents of rural communities in Alaska value fishing. Three rural fishing communities in Alaska served as case studies for this project: Chenega Bay in Prince William Sound, Kokhanok in Bristol Bay, and Tyonek in Cook Inlet. In all three communities, both old and young residents note that younger people are not participating in fishing as much as they did in the past, and there is concern that fishing traditions will not continue. However, research findings show how important fishing is as a social, cultural, and community activity for families. Residents noted fishing provided for a quality of life that included values associated with family, community, culture, and freedom.

This article describes the human biological data that was collected from the participants of the Antarctic expeditions of the ‘heroic age’ (1897–1922). Routine body weights, waist circumference, spirometry and grip strength measurements were performed on a number of the expeditions for monitoring health and at least four expeditions measured the haemoglobin level and demonstrated that anaemia did not occur. The only true research was done by Dr A.L. McLean of the Australasian Antarctic Expedition, who measured hair and nail growth and investigated immunity. By modern standards, the data collected is of little value but McLean's work laid the groundwork for modern research into the effects of Antarctic residence on the human organism.

This note considers the decision by the UK government to rename the southern portion of the Antarctic Peninsula - Queen Elizabeth Land. Named in honour of the UK Head of State, it was intended to be a ‘gift’ recognising her Diamond Jubilee. However, the 169,000 square mile territory in question is counter-claimed by Argentina and Chile. The circumstances surrounding this declaration, in December 2012, reveals both the contested politics of Antarctic place naming, and a growing willingness of the UK government to strengthen its ‘strategic presence’ in the Antarctic and wider South Atlantic/Falkland Islands region. This naming event provoked Argentina to issue a formal protest note to the UK Ambassador to Argentina.

This paper examines the ethnography of nocturnal fishery and relationships with water, relevant for Evenkis occupying the northern coastal area of Lake Baikal, Siberia. The material arises from Evenkis of Kumora village who live near Lake Irkana and from archival sources. Although the nocturnal fishery is declared illegal in official legislation, local residents invoke memories to mark that practice as traditional and important for the local community since it is not merely a subsistence activity but also an emotional experience and long-term relationships with the landscape. This paper argues that local social memory devoted to this practice serves as a kind of fishing tool and a tool for supporting local ideas of how fishing should be governed. The collision between memory and water law is not discussed in terms of antagonism between local groups and authorities but as ignorance between memory-gifted people and the landscape, and memory-disabled official approaches to nocturnal fishing and its histories. Finally, memory-gifted human landscape relationships termed as ‘alliance’ are approached as a powerful conglomerate that ‘consumes’ authorised visions of fishing patterns in their own way.

The history of biotic exploitation for the continental margin (shelf and slope) of the Antarctic Large Marine Ecosystem (LME) is reviewed, with emphasis on the period from 1970 to 2010. In the Antarctic Peninsula portion, marine mammals were decimated by the 1970s and groundfish by the early 1980s. Fishing for Antarctic krill Euphausia superba began upon the demise of groundfish and now is the only fishing that remains in this region. Surveys show that cetacean and most groundfish stocks remain severely depressed, harvest of which is now prohibited by the International Whaling Commission and the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR). On the other hand, krill fishing in this region is underway and in recent years has contributed up to 72% of the Southern Ocean catch, depending on fishing conditions and the CCAMLR conservation measures in force. Elsewhere along the Antarctic continental margin, marine mammals were also severely depleted by the 1970s, followed directly by relatively low-level fisheries for krill that continued until the early 1990s. Recently in these areas, where fin-fishing is still allowed, fisheries for Antarctic toothfish Dissostichus mawsoni have been initiated, with one of this fish's main prey, grenadiers Macrourus spp., being taken significantly as by-catch. Continental margin fishing currently accounts for ~25% of the total toothfish catch of the Southern Ocean. Fishing along the Antarctic continental margin, especially the Antarctic Peninsula region, is a clear case of both the tragedy of the commons and ‘fishing down the food web’.

The loss of the expedition ship SY Endurance, and the subsequent dispersal of staff and crew, resulted in very little scientific information emerging from the Imperial Trans-Antarctic Expedition 1914–1917. Among surviving records were the charts and diaries maintained by the ship's master, F.A. Worsley. During the voyage in January 1915 along the ice cliffs of the Weddell Sea coast, Worsley recorded the ship's daily progress, soundings and trawling and dredging activities, and also daily encounters with seals, whales and seabirds, On 12 January he noted a group of fledgling emperor penguin chicks (Aptenodytes forsteri) on an ice foot, clearly a remnant of what was then only the third-known breeding colony of the species. Shackleton's first published account of the expedition mentioned the chicks only in a brief note (one that was omitted from later editions), and no further report covering Worsley's observations appeared in scientific literature. In consequence the discovery of the breeding colony and records of emperor penguin distribution along the Weddell Sea coast have since been overlooked by avian biologists, regrettably including the present author. This paper discusses the identity of the colony, Worsley's observations that foreshadowed the later discovery of more breeding concentrations along the coast, and a possible reason why colonies occur at points of particular glaciological disturbance.

This article analyses the historical conditions and technical, social, commercial and political factors that have contributed to the revival of longline fishing in Iceland. Longline fishing practices have had important consequences at both the local and the national levels. This article deals, firstly, with the juridical and historical conditions of the development of small boat fishing practices since the beginning of the 1990s and the process through which small boats became progressively larger. Secondly, the paper describes the evolution of longline fishing practices and focuses more specifically on the technical, commercial, social and professional aspects of a new version of longline fishing that was developed in response to new marine management rules. It then deals with a specific kind of competitiveness that those living in coastal villages established to re-boost the local economy and discusses what has happened to small boat owners since 2000. The conclusion highlights the way longline fishing, by reconnecting social ties, takes part in the construction of contemporary Icelandic culture.

Research undertaken between 1960 to 1990 into what was once a rock painting tradition in Finland, lacked a clear understanding of parallels between the painted figures found at rock painting locations in the southern and central areas of the country, and the motifs painted on the heads of Sámi shaman divination drums from Lapland. However, due to the discovery and analysis of the content of more rock painting sites in Finland from 1990 up to the present, a more comprehensive framework has emerged in which scholars from across different academic disciplines have discovered many more similar characteristics linking the rock paintings and drum symbolism. These recent findings point towards the survival of a nature based sacrificial religion from the Stone Age era in Finland. The source of this was shamanistic in its essence, and is seen portrayed on rock and boulder formations by hunters similarly to how figures were illustrated on drum heads by the Sámi shamans from the nomadic era of the 17th and 18th centuries in Lapland. This more recent recognition strengthens the argument for Sámi involvement in the creation of rock paintings in Finland.

An anadromous Arctic char (male) was recorded in southwestern Spitsbergen, in a very muddy glacial river, in August 2008. This is apparently the first specimen of this species observed in such an unfavourable habitat in Svalbard.