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How Victor Hugo Created the Characters of Notre-Dame de Paris

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 December 2020

Olin H. Moore
Olin H. Moore*
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Ohio State University
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Extract

My purpose is to trace the evolution of the chief characters of Noire-Dame de Paris, with particular reference to the often neglected evidence of the author's notes and manuscript changes. Fortunately, the reliquat for this novel is exceptionally copious, including two general scenarios, which have been dated tentatively 1828 and 1830; several briefer outlines which apparently were intended as special scenarios for scenes or chapters; and approximately one hundred pages of fragments. It is thus evident from the outset that Notre-Dame de Paris, like les Misérables, was really the fruit of extensive preparation, even though the final version was completed under the lash in four and one-half months. In fact, contrary to a current school of opinion, the very “rapidité inconcevable” with which Victor Hugo occasionally wrote was apt to be the result, not the paradox, of a “longue élaboration.”

Type
Research Article
Information
PMLA , Volume 57 , Issue 1 , March 1942 , pp. 255 - 274
Copyright
Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1942

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References

Note 1 in page 255 Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Victor Hugo, no. 24. Cf. the Imprimerie Nationale edition of Notre-Dame de Paris, Paris (1904), which will be referred to as Notre-Dame. On pp. 432–436 of this edition is a very incomplete reproduction of Victor Hugo's Notes Pour Notre-Dame de Paris, consisting chiefly of materials not utilized in the novel.

The manuscript changes in particular often serve as points de repère, revealing a basic and perhaps subconscious trend in the author's thought. To illustrate: In an interpolation in the chapter entitled Paris à vol d'oiseau, Victor Hugo is favorable to Voltaire, calling him a genius, praising Candide, etc. (Notre-Dame, iii, ii, 106. Cf. MS fo. 93b). During the period 1840–50, Victor Hugo, suffering from a Napoleonic complex, professes horror for Voltaire. After the return from Guernsey, the apparently basic trend reasserts itself. Voltaire, like Socrates and Virgil, now represents one of the three aspects of Hugo's own genius, and is rated higher than Napoleon. Cf. Pierre de Lacretelle, Vie politique de Victor Hugo (Paris, 1928), p. 245.

Note 2 in page 255 The two scenarios are found on folios 400a and 400b of the manuscript, and were printed in Notre-Dame, pp. 430–431.

Note 3 in page 255 While les Misérables was not published until 1862, the note gathering for this novel was actually begun in 1823. Cf. les Misères, ed. Gustave Simon (Paris, 1927), p. 11.

For the rapidity with which Victor Hugo concluded Notre-Dame de Paris, see Paul and Victor Glachant, Papiers d'autrefois (Paris, 1899), p. 10; and Victor Hugo raconté par un témoin de sa vie, J. Hetzel, édition définitive, ii, 306, 308.

Note 4 in page 255 For an attempt to deny Hugo's habitual “longue élaboration,” see e.g. Robert C. Glenn, PMLA, lv, 4, 1183. In partial refutation of his opinion, see especially note 69 of this article.

Note 5 in page 256 Notre-Dame, xi, ii, 419–421; cf. Bug-Jargal, Édition de l'Imprimerie Nationale (Paris, 1905), liv, 520–523. See Edmond Biré, Victor Hugo avant 1830 (Paris, 1883), pp. 391–393.

It is surprising to find an obviously inaccurate statement of the sources of Bug-Jargal from so excellent a scholar as Paul Berret, who writes: “C'est un livre de collégien qui ... s'est inspiré de toute la littérature négrophile et sentimentale depuis La Case de l'Oncle Tom jusqu'à L'Oroonoko de Mme Aphara Behn.”—Paul Berret, Victor Hugo (Paris, 1927), p. 329. As a matter of fact, Uncle Tom's Cabin was first published in 1852, or 32 years after Bug-Jargal appeared in the Conservateur littéraire. And by what chronological scheme is Harriet Beecher Stowe's masterpiece listed before Oroonoko?

Note 6 in page 256 Bug-Jargal, vii, 392–393. Cf. Notre-Dame, ix, iv, 320. The love affair with Marie does not appear in the first draft of Bug-Jargal (1820).

Note 7 in page 256 Bug-Jargal, x, 400.

Note 8 in page 256 Notre-Dame, ix, vi, 326.

Note 9 in page 256 Ibid., iv, iii, 120.

Note 10 in page 256 Le Dernier jour d'un condamné, Édition de l'Imprimerie Nationale (Paris, 1905), xxxvi, 685.

Note 11 in page 257 Cf. for instance the episode of “Pandalouse de quatorze ans, Pepa,” in le Dernier jour d'un condamné, xxxiii, 681–682, which was really the love affair of Victor Hugo and Adèle Foucher. See Raymond Escholier, la Vie Glorieuse de Victor Hugo (Paris, 1928), pp. 35–37, and especially 40–42; and Gustave Simon, l'Enfance de Victor Hugo (Paris, 1904), pp. 77–80.

Note 12 in page 257 MS fo. 414b.

Note 13 in page 257 Quand cette espèce de cyclope parut....—Notre-Dame, i, v, 37; Il ferma son oeil unique, ....—Ibid., vi, iv, 188. Cf. Edmond Biré, op. cit., p. 88; and Victor Hugo raconté, i, 223–228.

Note 14 in page 257 MS fo. 410b; reproduced in Notre-Dame, p. 432.

Note 15 in page 258 MS fo. 183b.

Note 16 in page 258 Notre-Dame, vii, i, 203.

Note 17 in page 258 “Mais Victor Hugo, qui ne laisse jamais rien perdre, ...”—Paul and Victor Glachant, Essai critique sur le théâtre de Victor Hugo (Paris, 1902), p. 315.

Note 18 in page 258 Notre-Dame, p. 431.

Note 19 in page 258 Ibid., vii, i, 197. Cf. p. 201: Chacune se sentit en quelque sorte blessée dans sa beauté.

The name Fleur-de-Lys is mentioned twice in the reliquat. It first occurs on MS fo. 435v: Damoiselle Fleur-de-lys Augier et veuve de Pierre de Grand'Roue. Again it appears in the midst of a long list of names: D11e Fleur-de-Iys Augier et veuve de Pierre de Grand'Roue. (Ibid., fo. 439(3).) Ambroise de Gondelaurier is mentioned on MS fo. 439(2), immediately after Ambroise de Chateaupers. Cf. Edmond Huguet, Quelques sources de “Notre-Dame de Paris,” RHL, viii (1901), 50, and note 1. According to Huguet, Ambroise and Pierre de Chasteaupers are listed in the Comptes de la Prévôté, published in the third volume of Sauval's Histoire et recherches des antiquités de la ville de Paris (Paris, 1724), pp. 488 and 598.—The series of articles by Edmond Huguet, entitled Quelques sources de “Notre-Dame de Paris,” RHL, viii (1901), 48–79; 425–455, and 622–649, as well as the sequel entitled Notes sur les sources de “Notre-Dame de Paris,” ibid., x (1903), 287–289, will be referred to as “Huguet.”

Ambroise de Gondelaurier is transformed into Fleur-de-Lys de Gondelaurier, thus ridding a certain lady of her family name of Augier, as well as of the name of her late husband Pierre de Grand'Roue.

Ambroise de Gaillefontaine (ibid.) is changed to Colombe de Gaillefontaine, a lady in waiting of Fleur-de-Lys.

Jean de Champchevrier (ibid.) becomes another lady in waiting, nicknamed la petite de Champchevrier.

Dlles Amelotte de Christeuil (ibid., fo. 439(3)) and Diane de Fécamp de Montmichel (ibid.) exchange first names. In the novel we find: Diane de Christeuil and Amelotte de Montmichel.

Note 20 in page 259 Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Novelas Exemplares, ed. Rudolph Schevill and Adolfo Bonilla (Madrid, 1922), i, 31, etc. Cf. Notre-Dame, x, i, 400, etc. See Huguet, x (1903), 287.

Note 21 in page 259 Cervantes, op. cit., i, 118–119.

Note 22 in page 259 Notre-Dame, xi, i, 401.

Note 23 in page 259 Sous cette corde brillait une petite amulette, etc....—Ibid., viii, vi, 289. This sentence is a manuscript interpolation. Cf. MS fo. 261b.

Note 24 in page 259 Cf. Bug-Jargal, xxi, 452:— ... hé estudiado la ciencia de los gitanos.

Note 25 in page 259 Han d'Islande, Édition de l'Imprimerie Nationale (Paris, 1905), xli, 274.

Note 26 in page 259 Cf. ibid., Note de l'édition originale: Quand une bohémienne se mariait, elle se bornait, pour toute cérémonie, à briser un pot de terre devant l'homme dont elle ypulait devenir la compagne; etc.... Victor Hugo's note is quoted by J. A. S. Collin de Plancy in his Dictionnaire Infernal (Paris, 1825), i, 408, and is not found in the first edition (Paris, 1818) of the dictionary. As the 1825 edition of the Dictionnaire Infernal was an important source for Notre-Dame de Paris, it is perhaps significant that, for the treatment of bohémiennes, the rôles were reversed, Hugo becoming the source, and Collin de Plancy the borrower.

Note 27 in page 259 Notre-Dame, ii, vi, 76.

Note 28 in page 260 Cervantes, op. cit., i, 77, 78.

Note 29 in page 260 The MS insertion reads: Cette loi bohémienne, si bizarre qu'elle puisse sembler au lecteur, est aujourd'hui encore écrite tout au long dans la vieille législation anglaise. Voyez Burington's Observations.—Notre-Dame, x, i, 331. Cf. MS fo. 304a.

According to F. M. Warren, Selections from Victor Hugo (New York, 1893), p. 198. “Burington's Observations” is “an error, for Barrington, Daines (1727–1800), ... who wrote ‘Observations on the More Ancient Statutes,‘ etc., published in 1766.” I have been unable to find the above-mentioned vieille législation anglaise in the Dublin (1767) edition of Barrington's Observations upon the Statutes, etc. In fact, I am tempted to conclude that here, as elsewhere, Victor Hugo was guilty of quoting at second hand, in this case missing both the title of the book and the name of the author. Such a theory goes counter to the opinion of Paul Berret, who commends in Victor Hugo “tout d'abord la documentation livresque qui va droit aux véritables sources historiques, dédaigne les ouvrages de seconde main, et ne se fie qu'aux réels témoins; ...”—Paul Berret, op. cit., p. 338.

For a second hand quotation from Philippe de Comines, which is the more surprising because Victor Hugo was undoubtedly quite familiar with that chronicler, cf. Huguet, p. 431. For a second hand quotation from Montaigne, cf. ibid., p. 63.

Note 30 in page 260 Notre-Dame, ii, vii, 78. Cf. MS fos. 66a and 66b.

Note 31 in page 260 See Huguet, x (1903), 287. Cf. the speech of Fenella to Edward Christian in Peveril of the Peak (New York, 1877), iii, Chap, xlvii, 305. Fenella has also the following points in common with la Esmeralda. She is a “dancing fairy,” and during her childhood was “trained amid the shifts, tricks, and feats of jugglers and mountebanks; ...” (Ibid., iii, Chap, xlvii, 306). Near the end of the novel, she is recognized by a parent, whom she had always regarded as an enemy, Christian thus playing a rôle superficially similar to that of la recluse. (Ibid., iii, Chap, xlix, 356).

Note 32 in page 260 Cf. Huguet, p. 639.

Note 33 in page 261 Notre-Dame, pp. 428, and 430–431.

Note 34 in page 261 Ibid., viii, iii, 266. Cf. Huguet, p. 643, and also MS fo. 431(3): “Si une Stryge a mangé un homme, et qu'elle en soit convaincue, elle paiera une amende de huit mille deniers qui font deux cents sous d'or.” Article de la loi salique (Ve siècle).

Note 35 in page 261 Notre-Dame, xi, i, 400.

Note 36 in page 261 Ibid., vi, iii, 177.

Note 37 in page 261 Ibid., viii, iii, 264.

Note 38 in page 261 Ibid. Cf. Huguet, p. 643. On MS fo. 431(3) we read: Le diable pour rassembler le sabbat fait paraître dans les nuées un mouton qui n'est vu que des sorciers.

Note 39 in page 261 MS fo. 432.

Note 40 in page 261 Notre-Dame, x, iii, 340. The first part of the passage cited indirectly from Delancre is put into the mouth of Claude Frollo.—Ibid., vii, iv, 223. Cf. Huguet, p. 640.

Note 41 in page 262 Notre-Dame, vi, iii, 177. For another example of the alleged connection between hegoats and witchcraft, cf. ibid., viii, i, 256: ... mais le bouc! ... cela sent le samedi.

Note 42 in page 262 MS fo. 422.

Note 43 in page 262 Ibid., fo. 433.

Note 44 in page 262 Cf. Notre-Dame, vi, iii, 173.

Note 45 in page 262 Cf. les Misérables, Édition de l'Imprimerie Nationale (Paris, 1908), Book viii, i, 300.

Note 46 in page 262 MS fo. 405b.

Note 47 in page 262 Cf. Notre-Dame, xi, i, 399: La jeune fille se sentit saisir brusquement au coude. Elle regarda. C'était un bras décharné qui sortait d'une lucarne dans le mur et qui la tenait comme une main de fer.

Note 48 in page 262 Cf. ibid., p. 401:—ayez pitié! ... Vous avez de la pitié, j'en suis sûre.

Note 49 in page 262 Rends-moi mon enfant.—Ibid.

Note 50 in page 263 Voilà son soulier, tout ce qui m'en reste. Sais-tu où est le pareil?—Ibid.

Note 51 in page 263 J'étais une fille de joie.—Ibid., p. 401; also p. 412.

Note 52 in page 263 This exclamation is put into the mouth of Quasimodo, and placed at the end of Notre-Dame, xi, ii, 421.

Note 53 in page 263 Encore si c'était moi, je ne dirais pas, mais elle, une enfant de seize ans, laissez-lui le temps de voir le soleil.—Ibid., pp. 412–113.

Note 54 in page 263 Ibid., p. 430.

Note 55 in page 263 Huguet, p. 50 and note 1.

Note 56 in page 263 MS fo. 439(2).

Note 57 in page 263 See note 19, and also Huguet, p. 51, and note 5.

Note 58 in page 263 Cf. the following note in MS fo. 403a: Phoebus, comte de Foix (1483).

Note 59 in page 263 Notre-Dame, x, i, 330.

Note 60 in page 263 Ibid., vii, iii, 213–214. Victor Hugo had also a predilection for metaphors about the sun, which were frequently introduced into the text as afterthoughts. See, e.g.: L'attention publique, comme le soleil... —Ibid., i, v, 34. Cf. MS. fo. 31a. C'est le soleil couchant que nous prenons pour l'aurore.—Notre-Dame, v, ii, 149. Cf. MS fo. 134a. The same contrast is elaborated in Ruy Blas, (Paris, 1905), p. 335.

Note 61 in page 263 Ibid., p. 214.

Note 62 in page 264 Ibid., vii, viii, 247. According to Edmond Biré (op. cit., p. 293) the character of Phoebus is modeled upon the elegantly attired Lieutenant d'Ahlefeld, in Han d'Islande.

Note 63 in page 264 MS fo. 432v(3).

Note 64 in page 264 Notre-Dame, vii, iv, 221.

Note 65 in page 264 Ibid., v, i, 138.

Note 66 in page 264 Isabeau la Thierrye is listed among the “canaille” in MS fo. 439(4). Cf. also Huguet, p. 54.

Note 67 in page 264 Notre-Dame, p. 430. For this fratricidal variant of the Œdipus plot, Victor Hugo had already shown a predilection. In Han d'Islande, Musdoemon, whose real name is Turiaf Orugix, is sentenced to be hanged. The executioner turns out to be his brother, Nychol Orugix.

Note 68 in page 264 Ibid., vii, vii, 241. Cf. the long interpolation emphasizing Frollo's repression, MS fo. 227a.

Note 69 in page 264 See note 17.

The reliquat of Notre-Dame de Paris contains a number of fragments which were passed over temporarily, only to be used in other works. For instance, Isaac de Laffemas, listed on fo. 452a, appears as M. de Laffemas in Marion Delorme. The same might be said for “Le Cardinal de Richelieu dans sa litière.” (Fo. 424v.) “Charles Ierroi d'Espagne, Charles V empereur,” mentioned on fo. 452a, becomes an important character in Hernani. “Les Ginnes,” referred to on fo. 432v(4), become the famous “Djinns” of les Orientales. Matalobos, whose name is recorded among the “canaille” on fo. 439(4), is a famous bandit in Ruy Blas. (Cf., however, Gustave Simon, l'Enfance de Victor Hugo cit., p. 67.)

Note 70 in page 265 Notre-Dame, p. 428.

Note 71 in page 265 Ibid., p. 431. On MS fo. 416a we find the following isolated sentence: je ne peux cependant les sauver tous deux. Apparently this is an afterthought, which may explain the parenthesis in the scenario: “Je ne peux cependant vous sauver toutes deux.”

Note 72 in page 265 See Edmond Biré, op. cit., pp. 292–293.

Note 73 in page 265 Notre-Dame, p. 430. Cf. ibid., x, i, 332.

Note 74 in page 265 Here Huguet objects: “Dans cette scène, Gringoire appelle son mariage ‘un vrai forismaritagium.‘ Il n'y a rien de commun entre l'idée que veut exprimer Gringoire et le sens habituel de ce mot...”—Huguet, p. 69, note 1. Possibly Huguet has missed the point of Gringoire's joke. Certainly Hugo was familiar with at least one of the three usual meanings of forismaritagium. In MS fo. 402b, we read: foris maritagium, mariage fait avec ceux du dehors (étrangers au fief). For this meaning, see Achille Luchaire, Manuel des institutions françaises (Paris, 1892), p. 301.

Note 75 in page 265 Notre-Dame, x, i, 334.

Note 76 in page 266 Ibid., x, i, 335. Cf. ibid., xi, i, 398.

Note 77 in page 266 Ibid., x, i, 331.

Note 78 in page 266 Ibid., x, i, 333.

Note 79 in page 266 MS fo. 412b.

Note 80 in page 266 Cf. Huguet, p. 70, who refers to Du Breul, p. 960. The passage in question, however, is not found on this page of the Paris (1612) edition of Du Breul. Victor Hugo says that the wife of Jean de Montagu presented “Jacqueline,” one of the cathedral bells, to Notre-Dame.—Notre-Dame, iv, iii, 122. This passage is a MS insertion. Cf. MS fo. 109a.

Note 81 in page 266 MS fo. 304a.

Note 82 in page 266 Notre-Dame, x, i, 333. Cf. MS fo. 305b.

Note 83 in page 266 Ibid., x, i, 334.

Note 84 in page 266 Cf. Huguet, p. 70, who quotes Pierre Mathieu, p. 442. I have access only to the transation by Edward Grimeston, London (1614), where this passage is found in Book x, p. 105.

Note 85 in page 267 MS fo. 410a.

Note 86 in page 267 Notre-Dame, x, i, 334. Cf. MS fo. 306a.

Note 87 in page 267 Notre-Dame, loc. cit.

Note 88 in page 267 Ibid., x, i, 335.

Note 89 in page 267 Sauvai, op. cit., iii, 387. Cf. Huguet, p. 642, and Notre-Dame, iii, i, 258. The passage relating to the “procès de sorcellerie intenté à un animal” is a MS addition (MS fo. 233b), as is also a later reference to the goat: Quand elle disparut, on entendit un bêlement plaintif. C'était la petite chèvre qui pleurait.—Notre-Dame, viii, i, 260. Cf. MS fo. 234a.

Note 90 in page 267 Quatrevingt-treize, Édition de l'Imprimerie Nationale (Paris, 1924), vii, i, 325.

Note 91 in page 267 A Tale of Two Cities (London and New York, 1914), Chap, xiii, p. 277.

Note 92 in page 267 Mme Cécile Daubray, literary executrix of Victor Hugo, who kindly investigated the matter at my request, reports that nothing in Victor Hugo's correspondence indicates that he was influenced by Dickens. See John Forster, The Life of Charles Dickens (London and New York, 1899), i, 520–521.

Note 93 in page 268 Cervantes, op. cit., i. Cf. Huguet, x (1903), 287.

Note 94 in page 268 Cervantes, op. cit., i, 77, 78.

Note 95 in page 268 Notre-Dame, p. 431.

Note 96 in page 268 Cervantes, op. cit., i, 31.

Note 97 in page 268 Ibid., i, 81.

Note 98 in page 268 Notre-Dame, vii, ii, 212.

Note 99 in page 268 Cervantes, op. cit., i, 86. Note also the speech of Claude Frollo: “Oh! quelle désertion de toute vertu ! quel abandon désespéré de moi-même ! Docteur, je bafoue la science; gentilhomme, je déchire mon nom; prêtre, je fais du missel un oreiller de luxure, je crache au visage de mon Dieu! tout cela pour toi, enchanteresse!—Notre-Dame, xi, i, 397–398. This manuscript insertion (MS fo. 363a) is apparently a late imitation of Cervantes: ”¡O poderosa fuerça deste que llaman dulce dios de la amargura, ... Caballero es Andres, ... y desde ayer ha hecho tal mudan ça, que enga$nMó a sus criados y sus amigos, defraudó las esperanças que sus padres en el tenían, ... y se vino a postrarse a los pies de vna muchacha,“ etc.—Cervantes, op. cit., i, 86.

Note 100 in page 268 Notre-Dame, ii, vi, 71.

Note 101 in page 268 Ibid.

Note 102 in page 269 Cervantes, op. cit., i, 87.

Note 103 in page 269 Ibid., i, 88.

Note 104 in page 269 Notre-Dame, ii, vi, 70. Victor Hugo's description of the mannequin was taken from Sauvai, however. Cf. Huguet, p. 636.

Note 105 in page 269 Notre-Dame, ii, vi, 74.

Note 106 in page 269 Gringoire boasts to la Esmeralda: “Et puis, mon mystère me rapportera beaucoup d'argent monnayé, si l'on me le paye.”—Ibid., ii, vii, 84.

Note 107 in page 269 MS fo. 443. See Notre-Dame, xi, iii, 422, where substantially the same item is dated 1483. Sauvai, op. cit., iii, 533, gives the date as 1502. Cf. also Huguet, pp. 622–623, note 2.

Cf. also Notre-Dame, i, ii, 16, for Gringoire's association with Marchand. In relating his life story, Gringoire explains that he once worked as a carpenter's apprentice, but was not strong enough.—Ibid., ii, vii, 83. This statement is a MS insertion.—Cf MS fo. 70b.

Note 108 in page 269 Cf. Huguet, p. 68, note 1.

Note 109 in page 269 Notre-Dame, p. 430.

Note 110 in page 269 Ibid.

Note 111 in page 269 Ibid., x, i, 331.

Note 112 in page 269 Ibid., ix, i, 298. Cf. note 68, and MS fo. 270a. See also the long insertion, Notre-Dame, xi, i, 397–398: Si vous saviez combien je vous aime! ... En se tournant subitement vers l'égyptienne, etc. Cf. MS fo. 363a.

Note 113 in page 270 Notre-Dame, viii, iv, 277. Cf. MS fo. 251b.

Note 114 in page 270 Ban d'Islande, vi, 44. Cf. ibid., i, 19; viii, 58; xii, 103; xv, 120.

Note 115 in page 270 Notre-Dame, vii, iv, 219–220.

Note 116 in page 270 For the influence of Peveril of the Peak on Victor Hugo, see note 31.

Note 117 in page 270 Peveril of the Peak, ii (Chap, xxxv), 89.

Note 118 in page 270 Notre-Dame, iv, v, 130. Cf. Huguet, p. 61, who cites Du Breul, p. 42.

Note 119 in page 270 Notre-Dame, vii, iv, 227. According to Victor Hugo's notes, this was the motto of Philippe de Comines. Cf. MS fo. 428v.

Note 120 in page 270 Notre-Dame, loc. cit. Cf. MS fo. 427.

Note 121 in page 270 On MS fo. 433v, this is called a “chanson de 1479.” Cf. the song of the mortally wounded Gavroche, les Misérables, Édition de l'Imprimerie Nationale (Paris, 1909), Part v, i, xv, 54. Another popular song sung by Jehan Frollo is:

Quand les rats mangeront les cats,

Le seigneur sera seigneur d'Arras, etc.;—Notre-Dame, vii, vii. 240. Cf. MS fo.433v, where cats is spelled cas, and Huguet, p. 65.

Note 122 in page 271 Notre-Dame, p. 430; cf. p. 427.

Note 123 in page 271 Ibid., p. 430.

Note 124 in page 271 Ibid., x, v, 361–385.

Note 125 in page 271 MS fo. 406. In the reliquat, Victor Hugo cites for the life of Louis XI: La Chronique scandaleuse (Jean de Troyes, xxi, 478). Les Mémoires de Comines.—L'histoire de Louis XI par P. Mathieu. Rerum gallicanorum Commentarii (ab anno 1461 ad annum 1480). L. XI, par Duelos—MS fo. 448.

Note 126 in page 271 Notre-Dame, x, v, 381–382.

Note 127 in page 271 MS fo. 412b.

Note 128 in page 271 Notre Dame, x, v, 367: C'était une de ces fameuses cages à prisonniers d'état qu'on appelait les fillettes du roi. By a curious slip, Victor Hugo here defines les fillettes du roi as “cages,” when as a matter of fact they were heavy chains. In the reliquat, the meaning of the expression is given correctly: Cages de fer où les prisonniers étaient attachés avec d'énormes chaînes appelées les fillettes du roi. (MS fo. 412b.) Cf. the Mémoires de Philippe de Commynes, ed. B. de Mandrot (Paris, 1901), ii, 78; and Huguet, p. 428, note 1, who mentions the erroneous use of the term in the novel, and, as elsewhere, makes no mention of the reliquat.

Note 129 in page 272 Notre-Dame, v, i, 133–141.

Note 130 in page 272 Ibid., v, i, 141. Cf. Huguet, p. 425, note 2.

Note 131 in page 272 Cf. Huguet, p. 435, and notes 1, 2 and 3.

Note 132 in page 272 MS fo. 430v.

Note 133 in page 272 MS fos. 446 and 446(2). Cf. Huguet, pp. 425–434.

Note 134 in page 272 Notre-Dame, x, v, 365.

Note 135 in page 272 MS fo. 414b.

Note 136 in page 272 Ibid., fo. 411a.

Note 137 in page 273 Ibid., fo. 413a. Cf. Ruy Blas, iv, ii, line 1581.

Note 138 in page 273 MS fo. 416a.

Note 139 in page 273 Notre-Dame, xi, i, 394.

Note 140 in page 273 MS fo. 454.

Note 141 in page 273 Notre-Dame, iii, and vii, iv, 223, as well as the preface to les Travailleurs de la Mer, etc. For a different theory, see Auguste Viatte, “Notes sur les sources de Victor Hugo,” RHL, xxxix (1932), 443. Cf. also Albert Schinz, review of Denis Saurat, la Religion de Victor Hugo, ibid., p. 599.