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Con lagreme bagnandome el viso: mourning and music in late medieval Padua

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 April 2015

JASON STOESSEL
JASON STOESSEL*
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Abstract

In the years before his death, Johannes Ciconia (1370?–1412) set to music several poems penned by the young Venetian humanist Leonardo Giustinian. One of the earliest of these settings is Con lagreme bagnandome el viso. This article proposes that both the poem and its setting by Ciconia operate within the emotional community of early humanists active at Padua in the decades around the year 1400. The public funeral oratory of one of the high-profile humanists active in this community in Padua, Pier Paolo Vergerio, reveals a renewed interest in ancient rhetoric that was instrumental in the development of new modes of self-expression within this emotional community. Different types of musical repetition in Ciconia's setting of Con lagreme serve as musical analogues to rhetorical figures of pathos witnessed in the orations of Vergerio.

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Research Article
Information
Plainsong & Medieval Music , Volume 24 , Issue 1 , April 2015 , pp. 71 - 89
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2015 

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References

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2 Con lagreme survives in no less than sixteen music manuscripts and early textual sources. See Fallows, David, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs 1415–1480 (Oxford, 1999), 509Google Scholar. To Fallows's list needs to be added the recently discovered textual source Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Notarile, Filippo Formagini, busta 22.14, fol. 1r; see Antonelli, Armando, ‘Tracce di ballate e magrigali a Bologna tra XIV e XV secolo (con una nota sul meccanismo di copia delle ballate estemporanee)’, in L’Ars nova italiana del Trecento VII, ed. Zimei, Francesco (Lucca, 2009), 19–44Google Scholar, at 23–4, facsimile at 35. Con lagreme is ascribed to Ciconia only in the Lucca Codex, fol. 54r; see the facsimile in Nádas, John and Ziino, Agostino, eds., The Lucca Codex: Codice Mancini: Lucca, Archivio di Stato, MS 184. Perugia, Biblioteca Comunale ‘Augusta’, MS 3065 (Lucca, 1990)Google Scholar. The cantus survives only in a Florentine manuscript copied after 1409, now Pit, fols. 52v–53r; the cantus from the Paduan section of the Lucca Codex fragments remains lost. The song's adaptation into keyboard tablature, its use as a lauda melody and mention (as an instrumental piece) in Simone Prodenzani's Il saporetto (the Florentine context of which is well known) testifies to its popularity and wide transmission.

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4 Fallows, ‘Leonardo Giustinian’, 253; compare Clercx, Johannes Ciconia, 1:113; Pirrotta, Nino, ‘Echi di arie veneziane del primo Quattrocento’, in Interpretazioni veneziane. Studi di Storia dell’Arte in onore di Michelangelo Muraro, ed. Rosand, David (Venice, 1984), 99–108Google Scholar, republished in Poesia e musica e altri saggi, ed. Pirrotta (Florence, 1994), 45–64.

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9 The late thirteenth-century ordinal of Padua cathedral states that a cantor was responsible for assisting the bishop and archpriest throughout the liturgical year; see Il ‘Liber Ordinarius’ della chiesa padovana, ed. Giulio Cattin and Anna Vildera, 2 vols. (Padua, 2002), 1:8–9. Compare the statutes of Padua Cathedral from 1399; Casimiri, Raffaele, ‘Musica e musicisti nella cattedrale di Padova nei sec. XIV, XV, XVI. Contributo per una storia’, Note d’Archivio, 18 (1941), 1–31Google Scholar and 101–214, at 142.

10 Hallmark, ‘Johannes Ciconia’, 280–3.

11 Zonta, Gasparo, Francesco Zabarella (1360–1417) (Padua, 1915)Google Scholar, 10, 18 et passim; Hallmark, ‘Protector, imo verus pater’, 153–68. Elsewhere I have argued that Vergerio's humanist moral philosophy influenced several of Ciconia's motets composed in Padua. See Stoessel, Jason, ‘Music and Moral Philosophy in Early Fifteenth-Century Padua’, in Identity and Locality in Early European Music 1028–1740, ed. idem (Farnham, 2009), 107Google Scholar–27.

12 Padua, Archivio di Stato, Archivio Notarile, reg. 44 (Bartolomeo Nicolini), fol. 13v, names Melchior de Brissia, cappellanus ecclesie Paduane, who witnesses, with Magister Johannes Ciconia and another cathedral chaplain Leonardo, a claim heard on 5 August 1410 for unpaid funds by the procurators of Guillermo, son of Pietro da Firenze. This archival reference to Ciconia but not Melchior is signalled in Di Bacco and Nádas, ‘The Papal Chapels and Italian Sources of Polyphony during the Great Schism’, 54, note 39. Also see Bent, Margaret, ‘Marchion de Civilibus, Prepositus Brixiensis’, in Trent’anni di ricerca musicologica: Studi in onore di F. Alberto Gallo, ed. Dalla Vecchia, Patrizia and Restani, Donatella (Rome, 1996), 115–23Google Scholar; Rosa Barezziani, Maria Teresa, ‘Le reiterazioni “affettive” nell ballate di Melchior da Brissia’, in Musica e liturgie nel medioevo breciano (secoli XI–XV): Atti dell’Incontro Nazionale di Studio (Brescia, 3–4 aprile 2008), ed. Rosa Barezziani, Maria Teresa and Tibaldi, Rodobaldo (Brescia, 2009), 321–66Google Scholar.

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14 Padua, Archivio di Stato, Archivio Notarile, reg. 342 (Giovanni Nicolò Rossi), fols. 74r–v. Guillelmus may have prepared his will for fear that he might not survive the terrible plague that had broken out in Padua in the summer of 1405. Described as a tenorista or bassa in 1391, Guillelmus's name appears in the chapter distribution lists of Padua cathedral until 1438; Clercx, Johannes Ciconia, 1:44, note 8.

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25 Billanovich, ‘Il preumanesimo padovano’, in Storia della cultura Veneta, ed. Gianfranco Folena (Vicenza, 1976), 19–110 at 56; Witt, In the Footsteps of the Ancients, 100.

26 See critical apparatus to the translations of Vergerio's manual on humanist education in Humanist Educational Treatises, ed. and trans. Craig W. Kallendorf (Cambridge, MA, 2002), 321–8.

27 For the dates of Vergerio's residencies in Padua, see Robey, David, ‘P.P. Vergerio the Elder: Republicanism and Civic Values in the Work of an Early Humanist’, Past and Present, 58 (1973), 3–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 33–4; McManamon, John M., Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder: The Humanist as Orator (Tempe, 1996), 11Google Scholar.

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30 Mercer, The Teaching of Gasparino Barzizza, 91–2.

31 Furiettus, Joseph Alexander, ed., Gasparini Barzizii Bergomatis et Guinforti filii Opera (Rome, 1723)Google Scholar; Robert Paul Sonkowsky, ‘An Edition of Gasparino Barzizza's De compositione’, Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina (1958).

32 Ad C. Herennium De ratione dicendi (Rhetorica ad Herennium), ed. and trans. Harry Caplan (Cambridge, MA, 1954), 4.8.11; Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum sive originum libri XX, ed. Lindsay, 2.17.3; The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, trans. Barney et al., 74. Also see Lausberg, Heinrich, Handbook of Literary Rhetoric: A Foundation for Literary Study, trans. Bliss, Matthew T., Jansen, Annemiek and Orton, David E. (Leiden, 1998), 113–17Google Scholar.

33 These are set out in [Marcus Fabius] Quintilian, The Institutio Oratoria, Loeb Classical Library, trans. Harold E. Butler, 4 vols. (Cambridge, MA, 1968), 12.10.58–65 (4:482–7), and Marcus Tullius Cicero, De oratore, Loeb Classical Library, ed. H. Rackham, trans. E.W. Sutton (Cambridge, MA, 1967), 2.27.114 (pp. 280–1). They were also available throughout the Middle Ages in Book 5 (Liber de arte rhetorica) of Martianus Capella's De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, 5.21–28; Rhetores Latini minores ex codicibus maximam partem primum adhibitis, ed. Carolus Halm (Leipzig, 1863), 464–71.

34 Text and translation: Ad C. Herennium, ed. Caplan, 4.27.38.

35 The sermon of Lanbertazi (otherwise Giovanni Ludovico Lambertazzi) can be found in Galeazzo e Bartolomeo Gatari, Cronica Carrarese, ed. Antonio Medin and Guido Tolomei, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, new series, XVII, Part 1 (Città di Castello, 1909), 443, note 3.

36 Zabarella, Francesco, Ad invictum principem dominum Franciscum Carrariensem ducem Patavii Oratio in obitu inclyti domini Francisci eius genetoris obnixe plorans, in Rerum Italicarum scriptores: ab anno aerae christianae quigentesimo at millesimumquingentesimum, xvi, ed. Muratori, Luigi Antonio (Milan, 1730)Google Scholar, cols. 243–8.

37 McManamon, Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder, 49, notes the stark contrast between imagery in the orations of Lanbertazi, Zaberella and Vergerio.

38 In the translation, I have attempted to recast several passive constructions, since a literal translation of the Latin produces awkward English constructions.

39 Pier Paolo Vergerio, Oratio in funere Francisci Senioris de Carraria, in Rerum Italicarum scriptores, xvi, ed. Muratori, cols. 194–8 at cols. 195–6, with minor corrections from the unique source Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, ms. Lat. 186, fols. 52v–53r (old fol. 42v–43r). I wish to especially thank Dr Annalisa Battini and Ms Elisa Pederzoli for their kind assistance at the Biblioteca Estense.

40 Compare Cicero's prosopopoeia of Appius Claudius Caecus in his Pro Caelio 14.33. On the Ciceronian trope of mortuos ab inferis excitare of see Dufallo, Basil, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (Columbus, 2007)Google Scholar.

41 Muratori, ed., Rerum Italicarum scriptores, xvi, col. 194. When compared with Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, ms. Lat. 186, fols. 37r (old fol. 28r), the following variants were noted: solvere: ms. fovere, corr. Muratori; penitissimas: ms. pernicissimas, corr. Muratori.

42 Baxandall, Michael, Giotto and the Orators: Humanist Observers of Painting in Italy and the Discovery of Pictorial Composition, 1350–1450 (Oxford, 1971), 8–20Google Scholar.

43 Gatari, Cronica Carrarese, ed. Medin and Tolomei, 443. Gatari offers further testimony for the dominant role of women in lamentation at medieval funerals, something with which the early church fathers often were uncomfortable and which several writers have recently commented upon. See Ziolkowski, Jan M., Nota Bene: Reading Classical and Writing Melodies in the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2007), 205–23Google Scholar; Haines, John, Medieval Song in Romance Languages (Cambridge, 2010), 34–50Google Scholar. Evidently Petrarch's pleas to Francesco Il Vecchio da Carrara in a letter dated 1373 to forbid such practices and the introduction of sumptuary laws in other centres like Florence and Siena had no effect on women's displays of lamentation at funerals. On this, see Steinhoff, Judith, ‘Weeping Women: Social Roles and Images in Fourteenth-Century Tuscany’, in Crying in the Middle Ages: Tears of History, ed. Gertsman, Elina (New York, 2012), 35–52Google Scholar, at 37.

44 Giustinian's Funebris praestantissimi viri Leonardi Iustiniani pro Carolo Zeno oratio is edited in Vita Caroli Zeni, ed. Gasparo Zonta, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, new series, 19, pt. 6 (Bologna, 1941), 141–6.

45 On Giustinian's use of classical models adopted from Cicero, see McManamon, John M., Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill, 1989), 88–91Google Scholar.

46 Humanist Educational Treatises, ed. and trans. Kallendorf, 2–91.

47 McManamon, Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder, 103.

48 On compositional patriliny in musical laments for Johannes Ockeghem almost 100 years later, see Higgins, Paula, ‘Lamenting “Our Master and Good Father”: Intertextuality and Creative Patrilineage in Tributes by and for Johannes Ockeghem’, in Cum maioribus lachrymis et fletu immenso: Der Tod in Musik und Kultur des Spätmittelalters, ed. Lodes, Birgit and Gasch, Stephan (Tutzing, 2007), 278–319Google Scholar.

49 Anna Wierzbicka observes that feelings (a term which she prefers over emotions) might be described in terms of a lexicon of conceptual primitives that she identifies across cultures. English concepts like anger and sadness have little meaning outside the language, but crying, though culturally conditioned (as ‘display rules’), is universal; see Wierzbicka, Anna, ‘The Relevance of Language to the Study of Emotions’, Psychological Inquiry, 6 (1995), 248–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Wierzbicka also notes the significant richness of a language like Russian for describing crying compared to English, especially in relation to how crying affects the face; Wierzbicka, Anna, Emotions across Languages and Cultures: Diversity and Universals (Cambridge, 1999), 222–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Greg Urban proposes a distinction between crying as a meta-signal invoked in ritual lament and innate crying, in his ‘Metasignaling and Language Origins’, American Anthropologist, 104 (2002), 233–46. On the history of tears in the Middle Ages, see the various chapters in Gertsman, ed., Crying in the Middle Ages. For a broad survey of the history of tears, see Lutz, Tom, Crying: The Natural and Cultural History of Tears (New York, 1999)Google Scholar. On non-verbal emotional expression, see Reddy, The Navigation of Feeling, 106.

50 Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Notarile, Filippo Formagini, busta 22.14, has dura morte, ‘harsh death’, although this might represent an error brought about the repetition of dura from line 4. There is also the textual variant at line 4 in the cantus of Pit: Quando mi veggio esser abbandonato. That the tenor reproduces the same reading as other sources and the reading in the cantus seems incoherent with that which follows suggests that this is a local variant.

51 On the textually related anonymous Trecento ballata Con lagreme sospiro (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, n.a.f. 6771, fol. 27r), see Kreutziger-Herr, Annette, ‘Rethinking Con lagreme: Johannes Ciconia, Leonardo Giustinian and the Musical Text’, in Johannes Ciconia, Musicien de la transition, ed. Vendrix, Philippe (Turnhout, 2003)Google Scholar, 215–32, at 227. Also see the detailed analysis of Con lagreme in Annette Kreutziger-Herr, Johannes Ciconia (ca. 1370–1412): Komponieren in einer Kultur des Wortes, Hamburger Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft 39 (Hamburg, 1991), 175–90. Kreutziger-Herr argues that Con lagreme was conceptualised in a ‘“heraldic”, almost visual way’, with the rhetorical/poetic figure of chiasm governing its use of motifs and cadences. Chiasm was widely used in ancient literature, and the presence of this figure again signals the influence of rhetorical modes of expression.

52 Il Fiore survives only in Montpellier, Bibliothèque universitaire, École de Médecine, H 438. Some scholars attribute this work to Dante Alighieri. The earlier preference for reading translations of the classics in Florence contrasts with the Paduan movement's cultivation of the Latin originals.

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55 On emotive terms of endearment in the early Middle Ages, see Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages, 62–8.

56 Folena, Gianfranco, ed., La Istoria di Eneas vulgarizata per Angilu di Capua, Collezione di testi siciliani dei secoli XIV e XV, 7 (Palermo, 1956), 233Google Scholar–52; Azzetta, ‘Per la biografia di Andrea Lancia’, 128–9, note 17.

57 Critical edition: d'Ascoli, Cecco, L’Acerba (Acerba età), ed. Albertazzi, Marco (Trento, 2005), 79–81Google Scholar.

58 Ibid., xx–xxix.

59 This assessment by Cesare Foligno is reported in Rice, John P., ‘Notes on the Oxford Manuscripts of Cecco d'Ascoli's Acerba’, Italica 12 (1935), 137CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60 The signoria covered up the death of Francesco Il Novello da Carrara and his two sons Francesco and Giacomo, circulating the rumour that they had died of natural causes; see Kohl, Benjamin G., Padua under the Carrara, 1318–1405 (Baltimore and London, 1998), 336Google Scholar.

61 Fallows makes the point that the ballata was not a ‘very public statement’ and that its addressee is not named in the text; Fallows, ‘Leonardo Giustinian’, 252.

62 Brief critical notes for edition based upon music in Pit, fols. 52v–53r but with text from Codex Lucca: b.14 Tenor: three semibreves plus two minims Lucca Codex; b. 34 Tenor: b–a in Pit, d–c in Lucca Codex; b.43 Tenor: F Lucca Codex, G Pit; b. 62 Cantus: semibreve rest in Pit emended to breve rest as in Tenor; NB. Lucca Codex has an imperfect long rest in Tenor.

63 That these rhetorical analogues could be transferred is suggested by the Lauda cantasi come on Col lagreme, Colla ment’ e col cor, peccator, fiso. See Debenedetti, Il ‘Sollazzo’, 77; Blake Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence: The cantasi come tradition (1375–1550) with CD-ROM, Italian Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 9 (Florence, 2009), 51.

64 Lausberg, Handbook of Literary Rhetoric, trans. Bliss et al., 297–8.

65 For more on the influence of classical periodicity on early humanists, see Baxandall, Giotto and the Orators, 20–31.

66 Luko, Alexis, ‘Tinctoris on Varietas’, Early Music History, 27 (2008), 99–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

67 Kohl, Benjamin G., ‘Mourners of Petrarch’, in Francis Petrarch: Six Centuries Later, ed. Scaglione, Aldo (Chapel Hill, NC, 1975), 340–52Google Scholar, at 351–2; reprinted in Kohl, Culture and Politics in Early Renaissance Padua.