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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 June 2011
Warmundo, vescovo di Ivrea nella seconda metà del X secolo, è conosciuto per i suoi ampi successi come patrono dell'architettura e del volume illustrato. Fu anche poeta. Questo articolo si focalizza sull'ultimo periodo della vita di Warmundo, quando ha fornito nuovi libri liturgici per la sua cattedrale. Le illustrazioni che scelse per il suo Sacramentario rivelano che in vecchiaia la sua attenzione era rivolta alia morte, sia del semplice Cristiano sia dei martiri della fede. Due serie di miniature dal Sacramentario sono senza un confronto tra i manoscritti del suo tempo sopravvissuti. Un gruppo di dieci miniature illustra, in sequenza, le preghiere liturgiche da usare nella malattia e nella morte, mentre un'unica serie di tre miniature a piena pagina accompagna il testo per il giorno di Tutti i Santi e dipinge la sofferenza dei martiri con dettaglio grafico. lo esamino le possibili fonti per queste immagini nei manoscritti e nell'arte monumentale, e anche nella lerteratura, in particolare nel Liber Peristephanon di Prudentio. Possibili influenze sulla scelta dell'immaginario di Warmundo comprendono la sua età avanzata, il clima politico scombussolato e pericoloso dei suoi giorni e l'approccio al regno millenario, con associate le sue paure che la fine del mondo fosse vicina. Tutti questi fattori sono esaminati nel contesto delle illustrazioni che egli sceglie per i suoi manoscritti. I suoi interessi, come dimostrato in queste illustrazioni, possono ben essere stati condivisi con altri vescovi della sua era meno ben documentati, il cui lavoro non è sopravvissuto.
1 This council was in session from 26 May to 17 October 969. For sources on the Council of Milan and information on Warmundus's participation, see Mariaux, P.-A., Warmond d'lvrée et ses images, politique et création iconographique autour de I'an mil (European University Studies 388) (Bern, 2002), 7Google Scholar.
2 Mariaux, Warmond d'lvrée (above, n. 1), 10. His evidence for this is a note in an eleventh-century hand that adds the words ‘consecratus e(st) warmund(us) ep[iscopus]’ opposite the date ‘Nonas marcii’ in the calendar preface, fol. 2v, of the ninth-century Martyrology of Adon of the Chapter Library of Ivrea (Ivrea, Bibl. Cap. cod. LVIII (39)). Mariaux's choice of date is based on the fact that bishops were always consecrated on Sundays. Since the only seventh of March (the nones) to fall on a Sunday in the period immediately before 969 occurred in 966, it seems likely that Warmundus was indeed consecrated in that year.
3 See Saroglia, G., Memorie storiche sulla chiesa d'lvrea (Ivrea, 1881)Google Scholar.
4 See Lucioni, A., ‘Da Warmondo a Ogerio’, in Cracco, G. (ed.), Storia della chiesa di Ivrea, Ivrea dalle origini al XV secolo (Rome, 1998), 119–93Google Scholar, esp. pp. 137–9. See also Mariaux, Warmond d'lvree (above, n. 1), 40–1, n. 107, and 55, who has argued for a first day of August between 1002 and 1006 for his death.
5 Peroni, A., ‘II ruolo della committenza vescovile alle soglie del mille: il caso di Warmondo di Ivrea’, in Committenti e produzione artistico-letteraria nell'alto medioevo occidentale (Settimane di studio del Centro Italiano di Studi suWAlto Medioevo XXXIX) (Spoleto, 1992), 243–74Google Scholar, esp. p. 246, with bibliography to 1975 on pp. 245–6 and in n. 3.
6 Moreno, L., Vita di San Veremondo Arborio, vescovo d'Irea nel secolo X (Ivrea, 1858), 9–11Google Scholar, suggested that Warmundus became a member of the Arborio family of Vercelli, adopting their surname, and receiving his early education in letters and poetry there. He then studied canon law in either Bologna or Pavia. But see also Peroni, ‘II ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), 245. The lack of evidence has been discussed by Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée (above, n. 1), 54, n. 136.
7 The Sacramentary exists in both a facsimile and an anastatic form, Sacramentarium Beati Warmundi. Sacramentario del Vescovo Warmondo di Ivrea, hrea (1990), which will be referred to here as Sacramentario. Bishop Luigi Bettazzi, bishop of Ivrea 1966–99, wrote an introduction to the anastatic version of the Sacramentary. For Bettazzi's assertion, see Sacramentario xxix.
8 I am indebted to Maria Abbott for this suggestion.
9 Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée (above, n. 1), 54–5, n. 136.
10 Peroni, ‘II ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), esp. p. 265, and plate XIII, fig. 21. The text of this dedicatory epigraph runs + CONDIDIT HOC / DOMINO PRAE / SUL WARMUN / DUS AB IMO. Mariaux has suggested that Warmundus probably decided to rebuild the cathedral between 980 and 990, and entrusted the creation and decoration of new manuscripts for its altars to the scriptorium at the same time: Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée (above, n. 1), 246–7.
11 See McClendon, C.B., ‘Church building in northern Italy around the year 1000. A reappraisal’, in Hiscock, N. (ed.), The White Mantle of Churches (Turnhout, 2003), 221–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 222–6 and fig. 138.
12 McClendon, ‘Church building in northern Italy’ (above, n. 11), 223.
13 Otto took up the cases of the bishops of Novara, Vercelli and Ivrea at Pavia in the spring of 1000, and in a diploma dated 9 July of that year granted Bishop Warmundus rights over the episcopal city of Ivrea and its surroundings. See Peroni, ‘Il ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), 246.
14 See Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée (above, n. 1), 31–2, for Arduin's actions against Warmundus, which culminated in his driving the bishop from his see. This remained vacant from 996 to 998.
15 The bishops of Ivrea were granted the privilege of a local school by Lothair I in 825. See Magnani, L., Le miniature del sacramentario d'Ivrea e di altri codici warmondiani (Vatican City, 1934), 17Google Scholar.
16 Gregory the Great, Liber Regulae Pastoralis, Ivrea, Bibl. Cap. cod. I.
17 Biblioteca Capitolare, Ivrea: cod. IV (9), Ordo Missae, Prayers for the Bishop's Mass; cod. XVIII (8) and cod. XX (10), Benedictionals; cod. XXVI (12) and cod. XL (22), Gospel Books; and cod. LXXXV (30), a psalter. For particulars of the codices, see Professione, A. (ed. Vignono, I.), Inventario dei manoscritti della Biblioteca Capitolare di Ivrea (Alba, 1967)Google Scholar, and, more recently, M. Ferrari and S. Gavinelli, ‘Elenco dei codici della Biblioteca Capitolare di Ivrea’, in Cracco (ed.), Storia della chiesa di Ivrea (above, n. 4), 975–89.
18 See Magnani, Le miniature del sacramentario d'lvrea (above, n. 15), for a complete set of illustrations from the Sacramentary, together with a commentary, which is reprinted in the anastatic version.
19 His poems, including those in the Sacramentary, are collected in Strecker, K. (ed.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Poetae Latini Medii Aevi V. Die Ottonienzeit (Munich, 1978–1979), 458–63Google Scholar.
20 Mayr-Harting, H., Ottoman Book Illumination (Oxford, 1991), II, 88Google Scholar, for the translation of HUNC TIBI DAT LIBRUM PRAESUL WARMUNDUS HABENDUM / VIRGO MARIA VICEM VITAM SIBI REDDE PERHENNEM. See Sacramentario (above, n. 7), 13, for the transcribed text.
21 AC DECUS AETERNI FULGESCIT PAGINA REGIS SIT MERCES SERVI CANALIS GLORIA REGNI (fol. 12r) and GRANDIA PRO PARVIS QUI NOSTRI REDDERE SERVIS HAEC TIBI PREBENTI CONFER SUBLIMACAELI (fol. 12v). Texts and translations from Sacramentario (above, n. 7), pp. xxix–xxx.
22 PSALTERII LIBRU(M) MILLENA FRUGE REFERTUM VIRGO D(E)I GENITRIX DONU M TU SUME FIDELIS DAT TIBI WARMUNDUS PRESUL PRO MUNERE MUNUS E T SIBI POST MORTEM VITA(M) CONCED E PERHENNUM. Mayr-Harting, Ottoman Book Illumination (above, n. 20), II, 87–8, conflated the text from the frame of fol. 1 lv with the miniature of fol. 52v, which is illustrated. He also erred in describing the Psalter, cod. LXXXV, as having no specific mention of Warmundus, ignoring the dedication on fol. 24v. Detailed specifications of all Warmundus's manuscripts can be found in Mariaux, P.-A., ‘Entre la sceptre et la crosse’ — Portrait d'un eveque du Xe siecle (Ph.D. thesis, Lausanne, 1997)Google Scholar.
23 Mariaux, Warmond d'lvrée (above, n. 1), esp. ch. 4, ‘Beatae Dei Genetricis servus’.
24 Evan Gatti has suggested that this ‘square halo’ in fact represents an amice, a ‘square of white linen worn by the celebrant priest, formerly on the head and now on the shoulders’. See her Developing an Iconography of the Episcopy: Liturgical Portraiture and Episcopal Politics in Late-tenthand Early-eleventhcentury Manuscripts (Ph.D. thesis, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2005), 104Google Scholar. I thank her for sharing her work on Warmundus with me. For amice, see Oxford Concise Dictionary (Oxford, 1964), 38Google Scholar.
25 Mayr-Harting, Ottoman Book Illumination (above, n. 20), II, 88, translation of+MENTE M DEVOTI CAE / [LE]STI MUNERE VESTI /, CHRISTE TIBI TALEM STUDUIT / QUI FERRE LABOREM.
26 Osborne, J., ‘The portrait of Pope Leo IV in San Clemente, Rome: a re-examination of the so-called ‘square’ nimbus, in medieval art’, Papers of the British School at Rome 47 (1979), 58–65Google Scholar, esp. pp. 63–4, and n. 37 for John the Deacon's text in S. Gregorii Magni Vita iv, 84 (Migne, PL 75, col. 231). Osborne suggested that the definition of the sides of the ‘square’ represents an attempt to depict a three-dimensional wooden panel. Gerhart Ladner suggested that the square halo may have been a later addition to the Pope Gregory portrait: see his ‘The socalled square nimbus’, Medieval Studies 3 (1941), 15–45Google Scholar, at p. 17, but this does not invalidate John the Deacon's point, namely that at his time it indicated a portrait of a living person.
27 Biblioteca Vaticana, Barb. Lat. 4406, fols 141r and 142r. See Waetzoldt, S., Die Kopien des 17. Jahrhunderts nach Mosaiken und Wandmalereien in Rom (Vienna, 1964)Google Scholar, plates 326, 327; and Ladner, ‘The so-called square nimbus’ (above, n. 26), nos. 20, 21.
28 Ladner, ‘The so-called square nimbus’ (above, n. 26), 38, no. 33. See also Avery, M., The Exultet Rolls of South Italy (Princeton, 1936), pl. cxcviGoogle Scholar; Osborne, J., ‘The painting of the Anastasis in the lower church of San Clemente, Rome: a re-examination of the evidence for the location of the tomb of St. Cyril’, Byzantion 51 (1981), 255–87Google Scholar, esp. pp. 270–2.
29 See Osborne, ‘The painting of the Anastasis’ (above, n. 28), 269–72.
30 See Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée (above, n. 1), 75: ‘La mise en couleurs a lieu ensuite, et de maniere totalement arbitraire … car la couleur, loin d'énrichir le dessin, le denature: des cheveux verts, des barbes rouges ou bleues sont légion, alors que la palette disposition permet une mise en couleurs un peu plus ‘réaliste’. See also his Annexe, 241–2 and 246, where he has suggested that the colour was applied by a later and less skilled hand than did the drawing itself, and referred to this artist's ‘anarchic application’ of colour as confusing the vision of the drawing.
31 See Baroffo, B. and Dell'Oro, F., “L'Ordo Missae’ del Vescovo Warmondo d'lvrea’, Studi Medievali 16 (2) (1975), 795–823Google Scholar, for identification of a similar Warmundian altar in the Ordo as typical of the Rhine area. That altar is illustrated on folio 4v of the Ordo Missae, cod. IV (9) (FIG. 9).
32 Commonly given to bishops, this blessing gesture is well illustrated by the sixth-century image of Archbishop Ursicinus in the apse of Sant'Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna. See Deichmann, F.W., Ravenna. Haupstadt des Spätantiken Abendlandes, 4 vols (Wiesbaden, 1969–1989), III, plate 394Google Scholar.
33 Ferguson, G., Signs and Symbols in Christian Art (Oxford, 1954; repr. 1977), 45Google Scholar.
34 Mariaux, ‘Entre la sceptre et la crosse’ (above, n. 22), 133.
35 I thank Joseph Polzer for this suggestion.
36 Deshman, R., ‘The exalted servant: the ruler theology of the prayerbook of Charles the Bald’, Viator 11 (1980), 385–417CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 387–94.
37 PRO BENE DEFENSO WARMUNDO PRAESULE FACTO, MUNERE TE DONO CAESAR DIADEMATIS OTTO'. Translation based on that of Mayr-Harting, Ottoman Book Illumination (above, n. 20), II, 88.
38 See Ladner, G.B., L'immagine dell'imperatore Ottone III (Rome, 1988), 53Google Scholar.
39 Peroni, ‘Il ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), 246.
40 See Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée (above, n. 1), 88–93.
41 Peroni, ‘II ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), 247-8; P.-A. Mariaux, ‘L'illustration de la Missa pro Regibus, sur les pas d'Otton’, Images, 84–93.
42 More than 50 survive, noted by Cohen, A., ‘Review of P.-A. Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée et ses images’, Speculum 79 (2004), 795–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. p. 797.
43 Peroni, ‘Il ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), 256–7, fig. 19; Magnani, Le miniature del sacramentario d'hrea (above, n. 15), 39–40.
44 Porphyry's late ninth-century codex in Ivrea (Bibl. Cap. cod. LXX (24)) may have been the direct source of inspiration for the miniatures on folios 221 and 222. See Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée (above, n. 1), 256.
45 Magnani, Le miniature del sacramentario d'hrea (above, n. 15), 39.
46 Chazelle, C., The Crucified God in the Carolingian Era, Theology and Art of Christ's Passion (Cambridge, 2001)Google Scholar, chapters 2 and 3, esp. pp. 14–15.
47 Chazelle, The Crucified God in the Carolingian Era (above, n. 46), 107, fig. 14, for Hrabanus Maurus's poem 23, In honorem sanctae crucis, Biblioteca Vaticana, Lat. cod. Reg. lat. 124, fol. 30v.
48 Ladner, G.B., ‘Die Italienische Malerei im XI Jahrhundert’, Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 5 (1931), 33–160Google Scholar, esp. pp. 130–60, ‘Das Sakramentar des Bischofs Warmundus von Ivrea, cod. 86 der Bibliothek des Domkapitels in Ivrea’, figs 157–60 for fols 221–222v, and n. 249.
49 Mariaux discovered on codicological grounds that these folios did not form part of the original programme of the codex, but, along with a section at the start of the volume, were added very soon after its completion. Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivréee (above, n. 1), 69–76.
50 See Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée (above, n. 1), ‘Hypothese sur la datation du sacramentaire de Warmond’, 241–8, esp. p. 248. Mariaux's date depends on the identification of the main scribe, ‘C’, by several scholars (Luigi Magnani, Derek Turner and Beat Brenk) as the Milanese miniaturist who illustrated Arnulph II's prayer-book (London, British Museum, Egerton 3763) around the year 988. See also Brenk, B., ‘La committenza di Ariberto d'Intimiano’, in Il millennio ambrosiano II: la citta del vescovo dai Carolingi al Barbarossa (Milan, 124–55Google Scholar, esp. p. 149.
51 In the late eighth century, the minimum age for ordination to the subdiaconate was 21 years, to the diaconate, 24 years, and to the priesthood, 30 years. See Hrabanus Maurus, Abbot of Fulda (776 or 784-856), De Institutione Clericorum I, 13; Migne, P L 107, col. 306A. These rules were close to Warmundus both in time and in geographical location. Less relevantly, perhaps, in the mid-seventh century, Cano n 19 of the Fourth Council of Saragossa (633) had declared that ‘a bishop should not be consecrated before the age of 30': Mansi, J.D., Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio X (Florence/Venice, 1758–98); reprinted (Graz, 1960, vol. 9), 625Google Scholar. There may well have been exceptions to these rules.
52 For evidence on Warmundus's age, see n. 2.
53 Paxton, F., Christianizing Death (Ithaca, 1990), 207Google Scholar.
54 Mariaux, Warmond d'lvrée (above, n. 1), 108, for fols 1 lOv, 111 and 111v of the Sacramentary, and for fol. 41 of the Benedictional (Ivrea, Bibl. Cap. cod. XVIII (8)).
55 See Schmitt, J.-C., La raison des gestes dans I'occident médieval (Paris, 1990), 207–24Google Scholar, and Geary, P., Phantoms of Remembrance. Memory and Oblivion at the End of the First Millennium (Princeton, 1994), 53–9Google Scholar, and plates 1–10, for illustration and discussion of these ten images.
56 These images were the subject of a class project in my course ‘Death in the Middle Ages’ at the University of Victoria in 1997. Discussions and written papers contributed significantly to my understanding of this series. I thank all my students for their interest and ideas.
57 See Sicard, D., La liturgie de la mort dans I'église latine dés origines à la réforme carolingienne (Müster, 1978)Google Scholar, with a summary on p. 30.
58 For the Göttingen Sacramentary, the Agenda Mortuorum episodes are illustrated in Palazzo, E., Les sacramentaires de Fulda. Etude sur I'iconographie et la liturgie a iepoque ottonienne (Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 77) (Münster, 1994), esp. figs 52Google Scholar (fol. 185; Visiting the Sick), 53 (fol. 187; Confession (?)) and 54 (fol. 192v; Extreme Unction). The latter is also illustrated in Mayr-Harting, Ottoman Book Illumination (above, n. 20), II, 129, fig. 80.
59 I thank Michael Bury for this suggestion.
60 Boniface IV (608-15); Duchesne, L. (ed.), Liber Pontificalis, 3 vols (Paris, 1886–1892)Google Scholar, translated in Davis, R., The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis) (Liverpool, 1989), 62–3Google Scholar.
61 See Magnani, he miniature del sacramentario d'Ivrea (above, n. 15), 13–15, esp. p. 14, for a summary of the text, and Sacramentario for the 13 May date on folio 77v, facing the Ascension on folio 78r: ‘III IDUS MAII NATALE SANCTE MARIAE AD MARTYRES.’
62 Original dedication, Maurus, Hrabanus, ‘Poem on the Dedication’, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Poetae Latini II (Hanover, 1878), ii, 205Google Scholar. For the rededication, see Mayr-Harting, Ottoman Book Illumination (above, n. 20), II, 151–3.
63 Peroni, ‘II ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), 254, ‘Le serie per la festa di Ognisanti è una descrizione di supplizi puntuale nella varietà come un prontuario’.
64 Magnani, Le miniature del sacramentario d'lvrea (above, n. 15), 160.
65 See Hahn, C., Portrayed on the Heart, Narrative Effect in Pictorial Lives of Saints from the Tenth through the Thirteenth Century (Berkeley/London, 2001), 61–2Google Scholar; and Hahn, C., ‘Speaking without tongues: the Martyr Romanus and Augustine's theory of language in illustrations of Bern Bibliothek codex 264’, in Blumenfeld-Kosinski, R. and Szell, T. (eds), Images of Sainthood in Medieval Europe (Ithaca, 1991), 161–80Google Scholar. Also Hahn, Portrayed on the Heart (above), 342, for the specifications and contents of the Bern manuscript.
66 Hahn, C., Passio Kiliani, Ps. Theotimus, Passio Margaretae, Orationes. Faksimile-Ausgabe des Codex Ms 1.189, aus dem Besitz der Niedersächsische Landesbibliothek, Hannover. Kommentarband (Codices selecti 83) (Graz, 1989)Google Scholar. See also Hahn, Portrayed on the Heart (above, n. 65), 22–3.
67 Carrasco, M.E., ‘An early illustrated manuscript of St. Agatha (Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS lat. 5594)’, Qesta 24 (1985), 19–32Google Scholar, esp. p. 25 and fig. 12, where torturers remove both Agatha's breasts with pincers. This suggests a different version of the life from that followed by Warmundus's scribe.
68 For legendaries, see Philippart, G., Les légendiers latins (Turnhout, 1977)Google Scholar. Philippart also discussed libelli briefly, on p. 99.
69 Boeckler, A., Das Stuttgarter Passionate (Augsburg, 1923), 7Google Scholar.
70 Jessop, L., ‘Pictorial cycles of non-biblical saints: the seventhand eighth-century mural cycles in Rome and contexts for their use’, Papers of the British School at Rome 67 (1999), 233–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 233–5.
71 Efthymiadis, S. (trans, and ed.), The Life of the Patriarch Tarasios by Ignatios the Deacon. Greek Text with Translation and Commentary (Aldershot, 1998), 194–6Google Scholar.
72 See, most recently, Jessop, ‘Pictorial cycles of non-biblical saints’ (above, n. 70), 236–55.
73 See Goodson, C., ‘The relic translations of Paschal I (817–24): transforming city and cult’, in Hopkins, A. and Wyke, M. (eds), Roman Bodies: Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century (London, 2005), 123–41Google Scholar.
74 For the Novara baptistery, see Wettstein, J., La fresque romane; etudes comparatives (Bibliothèque de la Societe Francaise d'Archèologie 2, 9) (Geneva, 1971)Google Scholar; Mauck, M.B., The Apocalypse Frescoes of the Baptistery in Novara, Italy (Ph.D. thesis, Tulane University, 1975)Google Scholar.
75 S. Gavinelli, ‘Alle origini della Biblioteca Capitolare’, in Cracco (ed.), Chiesa di Ivrea (above, n. 4), 535–66, esp. p. 537. The two codices are listed in M. Ferrari and S. Gavinelli ‘Elenco dei codici’, 975–88 in the same volume, at pp. 981, 983.
76 Poncelet, A., ‘Catalogus Codicum Hagiographicorum Latinorum Bibliothecae Capituli Eporediensis’, Analecta Bollandiana 41 (1923), 326–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 335–56.
77 In April, Saints George (23rd) and Mark (25th); in May, Invention of the Cross (3rd); Alexander, Eventus and Theodolus (3rd); Gordianus and Epimachus (10th); Nereus and Achilleus (12th); also Pancratius (12th); Pastor, Pontianus and Timothy (19th); in June, Primus and Felicianus (9th); Vitus (15th); Gervasius and Protasius (19th); in July, Nazarius and Celsus (28th). The calendar, with large gaps caused by missing pages, then passes to September, with Adrian (8th), Eufemia (16th), Michael (29th); and then Bavon (1 October) and Anianus (17 November). Saints’ day dates are those listed in either Dubois, J. and Renaud, G. (eds), Le Martyrologie d'Adon (Paris, 1984)Google Scholar, or in The Roman Martyrology (trans. Collins, R.) (Westminster, 1946)Google Scholar, or both.
78 This ceremony was enforced by the Capitula Proprie ad Episcopos, issued at the church councils held at Aachen in 816 and 817 by Louis the Pious. This covered the duties of bishops throughout Francia from the year 817 on, and required the reading of the martyr lists daily in the churches and monasteries of Louis's realms. See Head, T., ‘Postscript: the ambiguous bishop’, in Ott, J.S. and Jones, A. Trumbore (eds), The Bishop Reformed. Studies of Episcopal Power and Culture in the Central Middle Ages (Aldershot, 2007), 250–63Google Scholar, esp. pp. 254–5.
79 Lifshitz, F., The Name of the Saint, The Martyrology of Jerome and Access to the Sacred in Francia, 627–827 (Indiana, 2006), 4–5Google Scholar. This cult of the saint's name gained strength throughout the tenth century.
80 Crivelli, F., ‘Le miniature del benedizionale di Ivrea, una scena di martirio ed alcune osservazioni sullo scriptorium warmundiano’, in Trolese, G.B. (ed.), Monastica et Humanistica: scritti in onore di Gregorio Penco, OSB (Cesena, 2003), 591–606Google Scholar, esp. pp. 599–603 and fig. 5. I thank Laura Marchiori for this reference.
81 See Roberts, M., Poetry and the Cult of Martyrs. The Liber Peristephanon of Prudentius (Ann Arbor, 1993), 70Google Scholar, for a discussion of this idea in the context of Prudentius's poetry.
82 See Peters, E., Torture (New York/Oxford, 1985), 67–8Google ScholarPubMed, on the tortures used by the Romans and their survival into the early Middle Ages.
83 See Ephthymiadis (trans, and ed.), The Life of the Patriarch Tarasios (above, n. 71), 194–6; Barber, C., Figure and Likeness. On the Limits of Representation in Byzantine Iconoclasm (Princeton, 2002), ch. 6, esp. pp. 134–5Google Scholar.
84 ‘QUORUM NOMINA DEUS SCET. See Jessop, ‘Pictorial cycles of non-biblical saints’ (above, n. 70), 241 and fig. 6, p. 243.
85 For the inscription, see Nilgen, U., ‘Die grosse Reliquienschrift von Santa Prassede’, Ro'mische Quartalschrift 69 (1974), 7–29Google Scholar; Goodson, ‘The relic translations of Paschal I’ (above, n. 73), 136–7 (‘Notes on the inscription in Santa Prassede’), and fig. 11.8.
86 Leader-Newby, R.E., Silver and Society in Late Antiquity. Functions and Meanings of Silver Plate in the Fourth to Seventh Centuries (Aldershot/Burlington, 2004), 105–7Google Scholar, fig. 2.28.
87 Mariaux, Warmond d'Ivrée (above, n. 1), 69, has determined on codicological grounds that folio 9 must have been the first folio of the original quire of the manuscript.
88 Gregory the Great, Dialogues (trans. Zimmerman, O.J.) (Fathers of the Church 39) (New York, 1959)Google Scholar. See also n. 128 for the Dialogues fragment at Ivrea.
89 For the survival of Prudentius's Peristephanon Liber through the Middle Ages, see Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of Martyrs (above, n. 81), 8.
90 For Gregory of Tours, see his Glory of the Martyrs, translated with an introduction by Dam, R. Van (Liverpool, 1988)Google Scholar, martyr stories 40, 42, 90 and 92, with sources in Prudentius's poems. See also Brown, P., The Cult of the Saints (Chicago, 1981), 83–4Google Scholar.
91 See Vest, E. Bartlett, Prudentius in the Middle Ages (Ph.D. thesis, Harvard, 1932), 78–110Google Scholar, quoted by Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of Martyrs (above, n. 81), 8.
92 See Bergman, J., De Codicibus Prudentianis: Codices Enumerantur et Breviter Describuntur (Vienna, 1896), esp. pp. 8–9Google Scholar, in which he listed and dated the early medieval manuscripts that include whole or partial works by Prudentius. He gave full details of each of these. Woodruff, H., ‘The illustrated manuscripts of Prudentius’, Art Studies 7 (1929), 33–79Google Scholar, discussed a single poem from Bern Burgerbibliothek, cod. 262: Pe 10, ‘The declaration of St. Romanus the martyr against the pagans’.
93 Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of Martyrs (above, n. 81), 59. Even in Prudentius's first poem in the Peristephanon, he links the martyrs’ experiences as ‘… [witnesses] who neither chains nor cruel death deterred’ (‘testibus quos nee catenae, dura nee mors terruit’): Pe I, 22.
94 Damasus, , Epigrammata Damasiana, ed. Ferrua, A. (Vatican City, 1942), 166–7Google Scholar, Epigram 33, 1–2, ‘Verbera camifices flammas tormenta catenas / Vincere Laurenti sola fides potuit / Haec Damasus cumulat supplex altaria donis / Martyris egregii suspiciens meritum’ (‘Scourgings, executioners, flames, tortures and chains, Lawrence was able to conquer all of them by faith alone’); Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of Martyrs (above, n. 81), 56.
95 Most of the major restraints are shown in the drawings as ‘jiggled’ lines: I interpret these as chains rather than ropes. Minor restraints, such as all those on wrists and ankles in FIGURE 12, are depicted by simple lines that may represent cords.
96 See Carrasco, ‘An early illustrated manuscript of St. Agatha’ (above, n. 67). Saint Calliopa, celebrated on 8 June in the Roman Martyrology, suffered this same torture before being beheaded.
97 Peters, Torture (above, n. 82); fidiculae, iron claws to ‘test the faith’. See Hahn, ‘Speaking without tongues’ (above, n. 65), 168, n. 21.
98 Eulalia, Peristephanon 3, lines 131–4 ‘nee mora, camifices gemini / iuncea pectora dilacerant / et latus ungula virgineum / pulsat utrimque et ad ossa secat’ (‘in a moment two executioners are tearing her slim breast, the claw striking her two girlish sides and cutting to the bone’). Vincent, Peristephanon 5, lines 113–16, ‘posthinc hiulcis ictibus / nudate costarum abdita / ut per latebras vulnerum / iecor retectum palpitet’ (see text after n. 99 for translation).
99 Peristephanon 10, ‘Sancti Romani Martyris contra Gentiles Dicta’, lines 72–3 ‘sponte nudas offerens / costas bisulcis exsecandas ungulis’ (see text for translation). See also Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of Martyrs (above, n. 81), 62.
100 Peristephanon 4, lines 109–44.
101 Vincent, Peristephanon 5, lines 109–12: ‘vinctum retortis bracchiis / sursum ac deorsum extendite / conpago donee ossuum / divulsa membratim crepet’.
102 Peristephanon 10, lines 123–390, 426–45, 459–545 and 562–70 for Romanus's discourse. The judge's reply, 573–85, condemns him to be burned on the pyre.
103 See also Hahn, ‘Speaking without tongues’ (above, n. 65), 176–8.
104 Peristephanon 10, lines 491–3, ‘miserum putatis, quod retortis pendeo / extentus ulnis, quod revelluntur pedes, / conpago nervis quod sonat crepantibus’.
105 See Carrasco, ‘An early illustrated manuscript of St. Agatha’ (above, n. 67).
106 Peristephanon 4, lines 121–4: ‘barbarus tortor latus omne carpsit / sanguis inpensus, lacerata membra. / pectus abscisa patuit papilla / corde sub ipso’.
107 Peristephanon 5, lines 533–4: ‘num Maccabei martyris / linguam terannus erutam’. For the Maccabees, see Metzger, B. (ed.), New Oxford Annotated Bible with the Apocrypha, including The Apocrypha of the Old Testament (with separate pagination) (Oxford, 1965/1977), 4 Maccabees, 309–29, esp. p. 321Google Scholar.
108 Peristephanon 5, lines 533–6. See also Peristephanon 10, lines 766–7, ‘linguam tyrranus amputari iusserat / uni ex ephebis’ (‘The oppressor commanded the tongue of one of the lads [sic] to be cut out’).
109 Peristephanon 5, line 524: ‘continet cum Maccabeis sectoque Esaiae proximum’. See also note b, below the text, for references to Isaiah's death in the Ascension of Isaiah, and in Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah.
110 Charles, R.H. (ed.), The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, 2 vols (Oxford, 1913), 1Google Scholar, II Maccabees (trans, and ed. Moffatt, J.), 125–54Google Scholar. See also Charles, R.H., The Ascension of Isaiah (London, 1900)Google Scholar, which covers approximately the same ground.
111 Isaiah 6.1–5.
112 Exodus 33.20.
113 See Weiner, T.M., Narrative Cycles of the Life ofSt George in Byzantine Art (Ph.D. thesis, New York University, 1977)Google Scholar, for the reuse of earlier pictorial sources as ‘improvised scenes’.
114 The Roman Martyrology celebrates on 22 April a sister of Saint Simeon, the consecrated virgin Tarbula, and her maid, who were ‘both killed by being tied to stakes and sawn asunder’. See Dubois and Renaud, he Martyrologie d'Adon (above, n. 77), 131, for the text.
115 Hahn, Portrayed on the Heart (above, n. 65), 84.
116 Brown, Cult of the Saints (above, n. 90), 82–3.
117 Roberts, Poetry of the Cult of Martyrs (above, n. 81), 67–8.
118 Magnani, Le miniature del Sacramentario d'hrea; reprinted in Sacmmentario (above, n. 7), 33.
119 I was told in the Chapter Library at Ivrea in 2005 that the Warmundus Sacramentary remained in use on the high altar for about 400 years.
120 I thank one of the anonymous reviewers for the Papers of the British School at Rome for this phrase.
121 See Peroni, ‘II ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), 265, plates 13–14, figs 21–3. The inscription runs: ‘+CONDIDIT HOC / DOMINO PRAE / SUL WARMV N / DUS AB IMO’. See also McClendon, ‘Church building in northern Italy’ (above, n. 11), 223–6 on Ivrea cathedral, and nn. 32–3 on recent archaeological work there.
122 See Peroni, ‘Il ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), plate 14, fig. 24, where small apertures through the masonry of the vault (squinches) are plainly visible. They are angled so as to view a central area, the possible site of the sarcophagus of Gaius Atecius Valerius, which is illustrated in Peroni's figures 32 and 33.
123 This sarcophagus bears a sign of reuse: a poorly-repaired hole in the middle of the inscription, which suggests a portal for strips of cloth — branded — that would be laid on the remains inside for subsequent use as relics. See Peroni, ‘II ruolo della committenza vescovile’ (above, n. 5), 268, n. 54. By April 2005 the sarcophagus was in the centre of the crypt once more.
124 A relic of on e of these saints (the arm of Dalmaticus, encased in silver) (‘Item brachium sancti Dalmatii argenteum’) is recorded in a mid-twelfth-century inventory of the cathedral's treasury. The record, Ivrea, Arch. Diocesano, perg. LXXVI, 16, EM-1.000.000/2, was transcribed by Castronovo, S., Quazza, A. and Montel, C. Segre, ‘La miniatura’, in Romano, G. (ed.), Piemonte romanico (Turin, 1994), 392Google Scholar.
125 Peristephanon 4, lines 5-16, translated in Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of Martyrs (above, n. 81), 31.
126 Fried, J., ‘Endzeiterwartung urn die Jahrtausendwende’, Deutsches Archiv fur Erforschung des Mittelalters 45 (1989), 385–473Google Scholar (translated by S. Denlinger and E. Peters as ‘Awaiting the end of time around the turn of the year 1000’, in Landes, R., Gow, A. and Meter, D.C. Van (eds), The Apocalyptic Year 1000, Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950–1050 (Oxford, 2003), 17–66Google Scholar, esp. pp. 23–4).
127 E. Palazzo, ‘The image of the bishop in the Middle Ages’, in Ott and Trumbore Jones (eds), The Bishop Reformed (above, n. 78), 87–91, esp. p. 89.
128 This survives as a fragment among the guard pages of a fourteenth-century missal, Ivrea, Bibl. Cap. cod. XCV.
129 Hahn, Portrayed on the Heart (above, n. 65), 11–12.
130 See Sicard, La liturgie de la mort (above, n. 57) on the cycle of prayers illustrated in the Agenda Mortuorum; also Schmitt, La raison des gestes (above, n. 55), as well as Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance (above, n. 55), for the illustrations in the Sacramentary.
131 Hamilton, S., The Practice of Penance (Woodbridge, 2001), 2Google Scholar.
132 Hamilton, The Practice of Penance (above, n. 131), 1–2, 7, 8, 207–8.
133 See Deshman, R., ‘Otto III and the Warmund Sacramentary: a study in political theology’, Zeitschrift fur Kumtgeschichte 34 (1971), 1–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. p. 16, n. 67.
134 Mayr-Harting, Ottoman Book Illumination (above, n. 20), II, ch. 1, ‘The Bamberg apocalyptic manuscripts of c. 1000’, 11–56, esp. pp. 11–24, and Excursus I, ‘The date of the Bamberg apocalypse’, 215–28, esp. p. 215.
135 Fried, ‘Endzeiterwartung urn die Jahrtausendwende’ (above, n. 126), 428, n. 199, quoting Miracula S. Alexii, Monumenta Cermaniae Historica, SS, 4, p. 620, ‘manthum, quo tegebatur coronatus, in quo omnis apocalypsis erat auro insignata’. See also Fried, ‘Awaiting the end of time around the year 1000’ (above, n. 126), 40–3, for numerous references to ‘eschatological fervour’ during Otto's reign.
136 D.F. Callahan, ‘The cult of St Michael the Archangel and the ‘terrors of the year 1000”, in Landes, Gow and Van Meter (eds), The Apocalyptic Year 1000 (above, n. 126), 181–204, esp. p. 185.
137 For the lives of the two saints, the Greek monk Saint Nilus, living in south Italy, and the Latin monk, Saint Romuald, see Hamilton, The Practice of Penance (above, n. 131), 174–7. See also Mayr-Harting, Ottoman Book Illumination (above, n. 20), I, 162–3.
138 Querfurt, Bruno de, Vita quinque fratrum (ed. Kade, R.), in Monumenta Cermaniae Historica, Scriptores XV (Hannover, 1888), 709–38Google Scholar, esp. pp. 720–1, ch. 3. See also Mariaux, Warmond d'lvree (above, n. 1), 101–5.
139 Gregory I, Liber Regulae Pastoralis, c. 590. See also n. 16, for particulars of the seventh-century manuscript of this work in Ivrea's Chapter Library.
140 Augustine, City of God 20.9. ‘41 For a balanced discussion of the positions for and against the presence of ‘apocalyptic anxiety’ around the millennium, based on the sources, see MacLean, S., ‘Apocalypse and revolution: Europe around the year 1000’, Early Medieval Europe 15 (1) (2007), 85–106CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 96–106.
142 For arguments in favour of the idea that millennial anxiety was widespread, see R. Landes, ‘The fear of an apocalyptic year 1000: Augustinian historiography, medieval and modern’, in Landes, Gow and Van Meter (eds), The Apocalyptic Year 1000 (above, n. 126), 243–70. See also his introduction in the same volume: ‘The terribles espoirs of 1000 and the tacit fears of 2000’, 3–15, esp. pp. 6–11. See also Frasseto, M. (ed.), The Year 1000. Religious and Social Response to the Turning of the First Millennium (New York, 2002)Google Scholar. Frassetos ‘Introduction’ to the volume (pp. 1–7), and E. Peters, ‘Mutations, adjustments, terrors, historians and the year 1000’ (pp. 9–28) in the same volume, summarize the present position of historians on awareness of the approach of the year 1000. For the condition of the poor, see C. Taylor, ‘The year 1000 and those who labored’, in Frasseto (ed.), The Year 1000 (above), 187–236, esp. pp. 219–23, for evidence that a good many people who suffered anxiety as a result of their material experience of ‘increased economic oppression, famine, disease and the results of bad weather — which were felt to be increasing in the late 10th century, would have asked the perfectly intelligent question, ‘why is this happening?’. The answer they received could well have been that it was the lead-up to the coming apocalypse’.
143 Callahan, “The cult of St Michael the Archangel’ (above, n. 136), 184, n. 20, where he has given references to the work of Focillon, Duby, Fried and others who have noticed this anxiety.
144 Fried, ‘Endzeiterwartung um die Jahrtausendwende’ (above, n. 126); Fried, ‘Awaiting the end of time around the year 1000’ (above, n. 126), 31–2.
145 For example, the Blickling homilies of Aelfric of Eynsham, in the English vernacular ‘for the instruction at the time of the ending of this world. For the learned and unlearned alike. For preaching and teaching — the best means to prepare for the last days’. See Callahan, ‘The cult of St Michael the Archangel’ (above, n. 136), 190, nn. 88–90.
146 PARS ADVERSA LABAT / MICHAHELIS DEXTRA TRIUMPHAT.
147 Ivrea, Bibl. Cap. cod. XVIII (8), fol. 39.
148 Callahan, ‘The cult of St Michael the Archangel’ (above, n. 136), 181–204.
149 Revelation 12.7–12.
150 Callahan, ‘The cult of St Michael the Archangel’ (above, n. 136), 186.
151 Glaber, R., Historiarum Libri Cinque, The Five Books of the Histories (ed. and trans. France, J.) (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar.
152 On the subject of memory among the mostly illiterate populations of the central Middle Ages, see Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance (above, n. 55), 7–16, ‘Creating the past’, and ‘A history of memory’.
153 Glaber, Histories (above, n. 151), book two, vii, 13, p. 73.
154 Glaber, Histories (above, n. 151), book two, vii, 14, p. 77.
155 See B.E. Schaeffer, ‘The astronomical situation around the year 1000’, in Landes, Gow and Van Meter (eds), The Apocalyptic Year 1000 (above, n. 126), 329–35, esp. ‘Inventory: 950–1050’, pp. 330–3.
156 I am grateful to Lesley Pattinson for this suggestion.
157 Goff, J. Le, The Birth of Purgatory (trans. Goldhammer, A.) (Chicago, 1993)Google Scholar.
158 See Mayr-Harting, Ottoman Book Illumination (above, n. 20), II, 47–8, for development of this theme. The Ivrea library possesses early texts of the works of both Gregory I and of Bede. Among the ninth-century holdings are excerpts of the Dialogues of Gregory the Great in the ‘foglia di guardia’ of cod. XCV (100); his Moralia (cod. XC (47)), and, most ancient of all, his Liber Regulae Pastoralis (cod. I (I)). Holdings of Bede's works include a ninth-century codex of his sermons (cod. XXIV (36)), as well as both his De Natura Rerum and De Temporum Ratione (cod. XXXII (3)). See M. Ferrari, ‘Libri e testi prima del mille’, in Cracco (ed.), Storia della chiesa di Ivrea (above, n. 4), 511–35, esp. p. 525, for Gregory's works. For holdings of Bede's works, see Ferrari and Gavinelli, ‘Elenco dei codici’ (above, n. 17), 978–9, in the same volume. There is no record of Bede's Apocalypse having formed part of the Ivrea collection, though it may well have done so. Its text can be found in Migne, PL 93, cols 129–206.
159 For the history and bibliography of Warmundus's cult, see Magnani, he miniature del sacramentario d'lvrea (above, n. 15), 17–18.
160 I should like to draw readers’ attention to Evan Gatti's important new paper, ‘In a space between: Warmund of Ivrea and the problem of (Italian) Ottonian art’, Peregrinations 3 (1) (2010), 8–48Google Scholar, which appeared when this article was in press. She discusses the Warmundus Sacramentary in terms of its patronage, its iconography and its historiography, analysing the work of Magnani, Deshman and Mariaux on the relative importance of episcopal and secular power in Ottonian lands south of the Alps, with special reference to Ivrea and its bishop, Warmundus.
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