This is the first issue of volume 32 of the Nordic Journal of Linguistics. The NJL is the journal of the Nordic Association of Linguists. Individuals may subscribe to the Nordic Journal of Linguistics by joining the Nordic Association of Linguists. The NAL membership form can be found on the Cambridge University Press website of the NJL, <http://journals.cambridge.org/NJL>, as well as on the NAL website, <http://cc.joensuu.fi/linguistics/nal>.

First of all we want to thank the general editors of the Nordic Journal of Linguistics for this opportunity to present to the readers of one of the most important linguistics journals in Northern Europe some specimens of sociolinguistic research. When we were approached by the general editors, we wholeheartedly agreed that this would be a good idea, although – or rather, precisely for this reason – sociolinguists in general have not been keen on publishing in NJL in the past. We have a modest hope that the present issue will change this.

The second issue of Volume 33 (2010) of the Nordic Journal of Linguistics will be a special issue devoted to the Nordic Languages and Second Language Acquisition Theory, edited by Ute Bohnacker and Marit Westergaard.

The article describes new dialect formation in Høyanger, a small industrial town located in the county of Sogn og Fjordane on the west coast of Norway, where an aluminium industry was established in 1916. Four generations of dialect development are studied from a synchronic and a diachronic point of view, based on older real-time data as well as new fieldwork. Qualitative interviews with informants at different ages shed light on linguistic choices made in complex dialect contact situations, particularly at the decisive second stage of koineization. Local and social embeddings are essential for the interpretations of the results because the linguistic changes seem to be dependent on dynamic relations between language and society. The results are interesting as a contribution to recent debate on the role of identity and social factors in new dialect formation. Related to more general processes of linguistic change, the article also discusses further development of the focused dialect.

The aim of this paper is to shed new light on the tonal grammar of Icelandic and to complement the tone inventory as previously described in the literature (Árnason 1998). Specifically, types of pitch accents and edge tones and their combinations in neutral declaratives and questions, and in utterances containing narrow focus are addressed. Two pitch accent types (H* and L*) and two edge tones (H- and L-) are identified, for which evidence has not been found in previous research. Moreover, the paper shows for declaratives, that along with downstep, Icelandic has upstep across Intonational Phrases. Upstep applies to a series of pitch peaks. It may occur in neutral declaratives and in utterances with final narrow focus. Overall, the results of this study provide a substantial addition to our knowledge of Icelandic intonational phonology.

The project Dialect Levelling in West Sweden focuses on the dialect situation in the first decade of the 21st century compared with the dialects spoken in the same region in the 1940s–1960s. Seventy teenagers participating in group interviews have been recorded and their use of phonological and morphological variables has been analysed. Comparisons with data recorded in the same region by The Institute of Language and Folklore in 1940–1960 show that dialect levelling is under way. It seems that the population of this area no longer speak a traditional dialect. An important issue, however, is how much the traditional dialects have actually changed, and to what extent the method for collecting data affects the answer. In the mid-20th century, the praxis within Swedish dialectology for selecting informants was to find as old and rural dialect speakers as possible to represent a specific region, and the purpose was that of documenting the dialect as a linguistic system. Today, however, many studies select informants based on speaker variables, because the aim is to document the dialect situation (i.e. who uses what linguistic variants when), rather than the traditional dialect as a linguistic system. Thus, there is a distinct difference between a linguistic interest and a sociolinguistic one. In this paper I suggest that it is critical when discussing dialect change to observe this very methodological change. In order to illustrate this, the use of dialect variants by two informants recorded in 1948 is compared with the use of dialect variants by three informants recorded in 2007 and 2008. The informants are all from around a small rural village located approximately 70 km from Gothenburg in West Sweden. This is an area where a specific variety of West Swedish has been spoken. By comparing these individuals, the concept of dialect change is problematized.

This paper argues that the conversational style of adolescents in multiethnic areas in Oslo is characterized by an extended degree of epistemic focus and expressions pointing explicitly towards the news value of utterances. The linguistic traits contributing to this notion is a set of discourse markers where wallah, or as it is often referred to in Norwegian; wolla (orig. Arab. ‘I swear by Allah’), seems to be prominent, together with Norwegian counterparts such as sverg, jeg sverger and helt ærlig (‘swear’, ‘I swear’ and ‘quite honestly’). Equipped with methodological insights from Interactional linguistics, the distribution and discourse functions of the markers are analysed in a corpus of conversations between adolescents growing up in multiethnic areas (the Upus/Oslo-corpus) and compared to another larger, representative corpus of modern Oslo dialect (the NoTa/Oslo-corpus). The discourse markers in question are also discussed in light of grammaticalization processes.

Two variants of what looks like disagreement between a subject and a predicative adjective are explored:

1. (i)

2. (ii)

In English and in Scandinavian, presentational expletive constructions with clause-final subjects can be derived by moving the subject to a Spec position in the C-domain, and then raising the remainder of the clause across the subject to an even higher position. The discourse properties of the clause-final subjects then follow without further stipulations. Moreover, the view that the clause-final position of the subject is the result of a phonological operation is not tenable, which means that various problems that would arise from this view are avoided after all. The differences between English constructions with clause-final subjects and their Scandinavian counterparts are consequences of the properties of the respective expletives. While the English expletive there can be the partial spellout of a subject copy, Scandinavian expletives are always syntactic elements in their own right. Two constructions that to some degree resemble the construction under discussion are shown not to be derived in a parallel fashion. For locative inversion, no analysis is given, but it is shown that it is syntactically rather different from the presentational expletive construction. For the English construction with an expletive and a divalent verb, which Chomsky (2001) takes to involve obligatory movement of the subject to clause-final position, it is argued that it involves a verb with two internal arguments appearing in their base order. The same holds for the corresponding Norwegian construction.

In this paper, self-recorded interactions from two studies of verbal interaction in Denmark are analysed using key concepts from Erving Goffman's frame analysis and Don Zimmerman's theory of identities in talk. It is documented how the recorder is integrated into everyday interaction as soon as the informant in his or her capacity as temporary fieldworker has explained the reason for its being there and has obtained the permission from his or her partners to record them. In several excerpts ascribed identities and using the recorder as an addressee are used to create amusement and to exploit the possibilities for supplying the innocent overhearing researcher with new and shocking information. The question of language norms during recorded sessions was raised in conversations in both studies and the limits of privacy were brought up.

Norwegian allows binding into finite subordinate clauses when the subordinate subject is inanimate and has a thematic role that is low on the hierarchy of thematic roles (e.g. Hun trodde hun gjorde det som var best for seg selv ‘she thought she did that which was best for refl self’). This kind of long distance binding is productive, and generally acceptable, but it has never been mentioned in the literature. This article discusses its syntactic and semantic properties. It is shown that the reflexives in question are not necessarily logophoric, and that they prefer a distributive interpretation. The general binding properties of inanimate subjects are discussed, and it is proposed that binding theory must have the option to disregard them. Binding across inanimate subjects can then be treated as local binding.

This paper addresses the issue of how information structure can be accounted for in a formal grammar of Danish. Three information structure features – topic, focus and background – are discussed, and it is shown how they are instantiated in a number of different grammatical constructions from a corpus of spoken Danish. Prosodic, syntactic and information structure constraints characterising the various constructions are represented as typed feature structures following Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), and the constructions themselves are ordered in a type hierarchy. The proposed approach modifies and extends earlier HPSG-based accounts by integrating information structure as a dimension of phrasal and clausal grammar constructions.