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II. Masters, Hands and Freestanding Sculpture

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2016

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Both in sculpture and in vase-painting, the identity and personality of individual craftsmen still exert a strong attraction. The cult of the creative artist is too deeply ingrained in our own thinking to be jettisoned totally in favour of other, more impersonal considerations, and so there is much scholarship still carried out from the point of view of the individual. The name of the artist may be known to us through the historical tradition as preserved in the literary sources or through the random discovery of names in inscriptions. The absence of a name says nothing about the quality of a work, its presence may tell us much about the posthumous standing of the artist. It is good to be reminded that working with the names of artists that we know, is a very restricting method of proceeding, it is as if we possessed a complete list of sculptors actually at work and had only to pick a name from the list. Connoisseurship has shown that the name may be an unnecessary addition, the very workmanship declares the hand, and with aesthetic sensitivity and stylistic analysis scholars can create lost personalities. Some studies widen the point of view and consider the stylistic elements that go to make up a region, others prefer to think in terms of works, not artists and to consider sculpture as a manifesto that needs to be set against its historical background.

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Research Article
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Copyright © The Classical Association 1991

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References

Notes

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2. For general works on Archaic sculpture, see Ridgway, B. S., The Archaic Style in Greek Sculpture (Princeton, 1977)Google Scholar and Boardman GSAP.

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15. Stewart in Corinthiaca (n. 6 above), p. 64, n. 48, suggests that the kouros makes a pair with the fragments, Richter, Kouroi (n. 3 above), nos. 24, 25 and 79, all from one kouros.

16. Payne, H. and Young, G. M., Archaic Marble Sculpture from the Acropolis (London, 1936), pp. 4-9Google Scholar, 18-21. See Boardman GSAPfigs. 114-5.

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18. For Antenor’s kore, see Boardman GSAP fig. 141, and for a figure from the east pediment of the Apollo temple at Delphi, and for a Victory akroterion, see figs. 142 and 204. E. Touloupa (III, n. 5) connects the Eretria pediment with him. Dörig, J., ‘La tête Webb, l’Harmodios d’Anténor et le problème des copies romaines d’après des chefs-d’oeuvre archaïques’, AK 12 (1969), 4150 Google Scholar, pls. 25-8, has suggested that the Webb head in the British Museuem (Boardman GSAP fig. 143), a rare Roman copy of an archaic piece, is from Antenor’s Tyrantslayers group.

19. Alkamenes at Olympia’, BICS 31 (1984), 199211 Google Scholar, pls. 10-12. It is based on Ashmole’s, B. work in JHS 56 (1936), 249 Google Scholar and PBA 48 (1962), 213-33, esp. 216. For Euthydikos’ kore and the Blond Boy, see Boardman GSAP figs. 160 and 148, and for the Olympia material and a copy of the Hermes before the Gates, see Boardman GSCP fig. 21 (west pediment) and 189. For a recent discussion of Hermes as herm, see Osborne, R.. ‘The erection and mutilation of the Hermai’, PCPS 211 (1985), 47—73 Google Scholar.

20. For the origin and essence of the Classical style, see Ashmole, B.. The Classical Ideal in Greek Sculpture (Cincinnati, 1962)Google Scholar and Hallett, C. H., ‘The origins of the classical style in sculpture’, JHS 106 (1986), 7184 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, pls. 4-6. For recent general works on Classical sculpture, see Ridgway, B. S., The Severe Style in Greek Sculpture (Princeton, 1970)Google Scholar and Fifth-Century Styles in Greek Sculpture (Princeton, 1981), and Boardman GSCP. See also Polliti, J. J., ‘Early Classical Greek art in a Platonic universe’, Greek Art. Archaic into Classical, a Symposium held at the University of Cincinnati April 2-3, 1982, ed. Boulter, C. G. (Leiden, 1985), pp. 96111 Google Scholar, pls. 79-96.

21. On bronzes, see Mattusch, C. C., Bronze Workers in the Athenian Agora (Princeton, 1982)Google Scholar; Houser, C. and Finn, D., Greek Monumental Bronze Sculpture (London, 1983)Google Scholar; Bol, P. C., Antike Bronzetechnik, Kunst und Handwerk antiker Erzbilder (Munich, 1985)Google Scholar; Rolley, C., Greek Bronzes, trans. Roger Howell (London, 1986)Google Scholar; Mattusch, C. C., Greek Bronze Statuary, from the beginnings through the fifth century (Cornell University Press, 1988)Google Scholar. See also Sparkes, B. A.,‘Greek Bronzes’, Greece & Rome 34 (1987), 152-68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. C. Rolley has published a running critique of recent publications in RA 1983, 325-36; 1985, 277-96; 1986, 377-91; 1987, 335-60; 1988, 341-55; 1989, 343-56. Close study of well-established pieces sometimes shows them to be different from what they had seemed. The Piombino statue, long considered a masterpiece of the early fifth century, has been shown by Ridgway to be a late pastiche, see AntPl 7 (Berlin, 1967), 43-75, pls. 24-34.

22. Landwehr, C., Die antiken Gypsabgüsse aus Baiae (Archäologische Forschungen 14, Berlin, 1985)Google Scholar. See also Schuchhardt, W.-H. and Landwehr, C., ‘Statuenkopien der Tyrannenmörder-Gruppe’, JDAI 101 (1986), 82126 Google Scholar on copies of the Tyrantslayers.

23. It is the Marmor Parium that gives 477/6 B.C for the later group - not an unimpeachable source.

24. For the Piraeus Apollo, see Boardman GSAP fig. 150. Dontas, G., , AKGP I, pp. 181-92Google Scholar, pls. 77-79. For the Delos connection, see La grande Artemis du Pirée: une oeuvre d’Euphranor’, AK 25 (1982), 1534 Google Scholar, pls. 3-6.

25. For the Delphi Charioteer and inscription, see Boardman GSCP fig. 34.

26. For the Motya youth, see Tusa, V., ‘Il Giovane di Mozia’, AKGP II, pp. 111 Google Scholar, pls. 82-5; Bonacasa, N. and Buttitta, A. (edd.), La statua marmorea di Mozia e la scultura di stile severo in Sicilia, Atti della Giornata di Studio, Marsala, 1 Giugno, 1986 (Instituto di Archeologia, Universita di Palermo, Studi e Materiali 8, Rome, 1988)Google Scholar; R. J. A. Wilson in Archaeological Reports 1987-88, 149-50; Moscati, S. (ed.), The Phoenicians (Milan, 1988), pp. 538-41Google Scholar, with three colour illustrations.

27. For the Zeus of Artemisium, see Boardman GSCP fig. 35. Wünsche, R., ‘Ergänzungsversuche am “Gott aus dem Meer”’, AK 21 (1978), 107 Google Scholar, pl. 31 and Der “Gott aus dem Meer”’, JDAI 94 (1979), 77111 Google Scholar. For a study of the female figures, see Tölle-Kastenbein, R., Frühklassische Peplosfiguren : Originale (Mainz, 1980)Google Scholar and Frühklassische Peplosfiguren : Typen und Repliken (AntPl 20, Berlin, 1986).

28. For the Porticello head, see Boardman GSCP fig. 37. For a discussion, see Ridgway, B. S., ‘The Bronzes from the Porticello Wreck’, AKGP II, pp. 5969 Google Scholar, pls. 100-101 and for the wreck and its contents, Eiseman, C. J. and Ridgway, B. S., The Porticello Shipwreck: a Mediterranean merchant vessel of 415-385 B.C. (Texas A&M University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; quotations from p. 106. The date of the wreck should be earlier, ca. 430 B.c., see Gill, D. W. J., ‘The date of the Porticello shipwreck: some observations on the Attic boisais’, IJNA 16 (1987), 31-3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29. For the Themistokles head, see Boardman GSCP fig. 246. For discussion, see Linfert, A., AntPl 7 (Berlin, 1967), 8794 Google Scholar, pls. 39-46; Robertson HGA, pp. 187-8; Ridgway, B. S., The Severe Style in Greek Sculpture (Princeton, 1970), p. 105 Google Scholar and Fifth-Century Styles in Greek Sculpture (Princeton, 1981), p. 179. And see M. I. Finley’s comments, ‘In lieblicher Bläue’, Arion n.s. 3 (1976), 86-8.

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30. For the Riace bronzes, see Boardman GSCP figs. 38-9. See also Busignani, A., Gli Eroi di Riace (Florence, 1981)Google Scholar; Bollettino d’Arte, 3 series speciale, Due Bronzi di Riace: Rinvenimento, restauro, analisi ed ipotesi di interpretazione (1985) - see the review by Marcad, J.é, ‘Rapports techniques et publications archéologiques: à propos des bronzes de Riace’, RA 1986, 89100 Google Scholar.

31. For Kresilas, see Busignani (n. 30 above); for Myron and Alkamenes, see G. Dontas, ‘Considerazioni sui bronzi di Riace: proposte sui maestri e sulla provenienza dell statue’, Bollettino d’Arte (n. 30 above), 277-96; for Onatas, see Deubner, O., ‘Die Statuen von Riace’, JDAI 103 (1988), 127-53Google Scholar.

32. See Fuchs, W., ‘Zu den Grossbronzen von Riace’, Boreas 4 (1981), 2528 Google Scholar and ‘Zu den Grossbronzen von Riace’, Protestant Interna, 34-40. J. Barron is working on the Riace bronzes and Pheidias (see next note).

33. For the Athena Lemnia, see Boardman GSCP fig. 183 and p. 84 for a mention of Barren’s theory. For Pheidias’ Athenas, see Linfert, A., ‘Athenen des Pheidias’, AM 97 (1982), 5777 Google Scholar, pls. 17-21.

34. ‘Lemnia and Lemnos: sidelights on a Pheidian Athena’, Kanon, 101-7, pls. 29-30. Harrison chooses the Athena Medici for the Lemnia. For other discussion of the Furtwängler Lemnia, see Hartwick, K. J., ‘The Athena Lemnia reconsidered’, AJA 87 (1983), 336-46Google Scholar, pls. 42-6 and Palagia, O.,‘ ’ -in defence of Furtwängler’s Athena Lemnia’,AJA 91 (1987), 81-4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35. ‘Two Pheidian heads: Nike and Amazon’, Eye of Greece, pp. 53-65, pls. 14-16.

36. For the moulds and workshop, see Mallwitz, A. and Schiering, W., Die Werkstatt des Pheidias in Olympia (Olymplsche Forschungen 5, Berlin, 1964)Google Scholar and Mallwitz, A., Olympia und seine Bauten (Munich, 1972), 255-66Google Scholar. For the late fifth-century vase, see B. B. Shefton, ‘The krater from Baksy’, Eye of Greece, pp. 149-81, pls. 41-48. For the Niobids, see Vogelpohl, C., ‘Die Niobiden vom Thron des Zeus in Olympia’, JDAI 95 (1980), 197226 Google Scholar.

37. Dörig, J., La Frise est de l’Héphaisteion (Mainz, 1985)Google Scholar gives the work to Myron. There has been discussion about the Athena and Marsyas group, see Daltrop, G., Il gruppo mironiano di Atene e Marsia nei Musei Vaticani (Vatican, 1980)Google Scholar and Daltrop, G. and Bol, P. C., Athena des Myron (Frankfurt, 1983)Google Scholar. For a critical look at the group, see Weis, H. A., ‘The “Marsyas” of Myron: old problems and new evidence’, AJA 83 (1979), 214-9CrossRefGoogle Scholar, pls. 30-31.

38. For one copy of the Perikles head, see Boardman GSCP fig. 188. Pandermalis, D., Untersuchungen zu den klassischen Strategenköpfen (Freiburg, 1969)Google Scholar; E. B. Harrison, Eye of Greece, pp. 82-4. See also Ridgway, B., Roman Copies (I, n. 11), pp. 55-6Google Scholar.

39. Vermeule, C. C., Polykleitos (Boston, 1969)Google Scholar; Lorenz, T., Polyklet (Wiesbaden, 1972)Google Scholar; Steuben, H. von, Der Kanon des Polyklet (Tübingen, 1973)Google Scholar; Tobin, R., ‘The canon of Polykleitos’, AJA 79 (1975), 307-21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stewart, A. F., ‘The canon of Polykleitos: a question of evidence’, JHS 98 (1978), 122-31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Berger, E., ‘Zum von Plinius (N.H. 34, 55) überlieferten “nudus talo incessens” des Polyklet’, AK 21 (1978), 5562 Google Scholar. Amazons: Ridgway, B. S., ‘The story of five Amazons’, AJA 78 (1974), 117 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, pls. 1-4; Weber, M., ‘Die Amazonen von Ephesos I’, JDAI 91 (1976), 2896 Google Scholar; Die Amazonen von Ephesos II’, JDAI 99 (1984), 75126 Google Scholar; ‘Klassische Amazonen als Gemmenbilder’, Kanon, 134-9, pls. 39-40; E. B. Harrison, Eye of Greece, pp. 65-88, pls. 17-22; Hartwick, K. J., ‘The so-called Ephesus Amazon’, JDAI 101 (1986), 127-36Google Scholar.

40. For the Prokne and Itys, see Boardman GSCP fig. 135 and Bruskari, M. S., The Acropolis Museum, a descriptive catalogue (Athens, 1974), pp. 165-6Google Scholar, fig. 351. See also Knell, H., AntPl 17 (Berlin, 1978), 919 Google Scholar, pls. 1-9; Rocca, E. La, ‘Prokne ed Itys sull’Acropolis: una motivazione per la Dedica’, AM 101 (1986), 153-66Google Scholar. For a general treatment of Alkamenes, see Schuchhardt, W.-H., Alkamenes (Berlin, 1977)Google Scholar.

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42. For the Sosianus temple, see III, nn. 38-40.

43. Eye of Greece, pp. 53-65, pls. 14-15.

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