Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
Inspired by Japanese influences among others the late Qing period saw a great surge in the writing of fiction after 1900. The rate of growth was unprecedented in the history of Chinese literature. The great surge coincided with rapid socio-political changes that China underwent in the last fifteen years of the Qing Dynasty. At the psychological level, the humiliating defeat by Japan in 1895 gave rise to a feeling of urgency for reform among some progressively minded Chinese intellectuals. Those reformers came to view fiction as a powerful medium to further their reform causes and to arouse among the people the awareness of the changes they believed China most urgently required. Fiction was no longer considered as constituting insignificant and trivial writings. It was no longer the idle pastime of retired literati composed to entertain a small circle of their friends, or written by a discontented recluse to vent a personal grudge through a brush. The role of fiction came to be defined in relation to its utility as an influence on politics and society and its artistic quality was subordinated to such a definition.
1 Here the political novel is defined broadly as a novel which deals with political ideas, or which analyses political phenomena, or in which the political milieu is the dominant setting. It can be defined as a political novel if it introduces, as material, political or revolutionary events of the past in historical settings or current affairs, or a heroic figure who made a significant contribution to such events. In a narrow sense it must at the same time express a positive direction towards the improvement of the existing social and political milieu. The present article is concerned with the political novel which is defined in the narrow sense.Google Scholar
2 Given the disparities in socio-political and cultural settings between Japan and China, what was adopted from China became in due course revised to suit the Japanese environment. Following the same process of importation various schools of Chinese Confucianism had undergone the process of absorption in Japan. Japanese Confucian scholars came to meld Confucian values into the Japanese value system. In this context Confucian thought which had been modified by Japanese Confucian scholars is termed in this study as Japanese revisionist interpretations.Google Scholar
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25 Nihon Rikken Seitō Shinbun was the party organ for the Rikkentō which belonged to the Jiyūtō. It is possible that the paper circulated among some Chinese intellectuals prior to Liang's exile to Japan. Liang's view of literary reform envisioned in his various essays such as ‘Bianfa tongyi’, ‘Menxuebao yanyibao hexu’ and ‘Yiyin zhengzhi xiaoshuoxu’ gives a strong indication that he was to a significant degree influenced by Japanese Jiyūtō members. Liang was certainly aware of other Jiyūtō journals such as Eiri Jiyū and Jiyūtō.Google Scholar
26 The publishing date and the authorship of the work could not be traced. Nakamura Tadayuki suggests that it was probably written by Yamamoto Baigai around 1883. See Tadayuki, Nakamura, ‘Shin Chūgoku Miraiki Kōsetsu’, Tenri Daigaku Gakuho, 1, no. 1, pp. 78–9.Google Scholar
27 Ibid.
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32 There is also a distinct affinity between chapter 3 of Xin Zhongguo weilaiji and Nakae Chomin's socratic Sansuijin Keirin Mondō.Google Scholar
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