Development planning in Venezuela began in 1959 as a result of the changes in the economic conditions and in the political situation that occurred in 1958. In that year, on January 23, Pérez Jiménez government was deposed after 10 years of military rule. A provisional government was established and elections were held December 7, 1958 with Rómulo Betancourt (Democratic Action Party) winning a near majority (49%) of votes for Presidency. A coalition government of the Democratic Action party (AD), Democratic Republic Union party (URD), and the Christian social party (COPEI) was established according to a pre-election agreement among these parties.

The economic conditions also changed in 1958. Until that year Venezuela was able to achieve a high rate of economic growth (see Table I) and to accumulate considerable foreign exchange that prevented balance of payments crises such as those which interrupted economic development in other countries.

En el curso de estos últimos años, los países hispanoamericanos han venido celebrando con singular júbilo el sesquicentenario de sus independencias nacionales. El pensamiento de sus más altos valores humanos ha enriquecido la historiografía de nuestra América, y ha venido a confirmar en sentido crociano, que toda nuestra Historia es también hazaña de libertad. Nuestra lucha se agita contemporáneamente, pues cada día conquistamos y reconquistamos nuestra libertad. El hombre de nuestras naciones todavía se debate en servidumbres y esclavitudes, mas su libertad y dignidad son valores permanentes.

A history of the Jews in Mexico from 1521 to the present has never been written in any language. Few have written on any aspect of the life of the Mexican Jews during the colonial period. What little has been written has concentrated upon the life and family of the conquistador and Gobernador, don Luis Carvajal y de la Cueva (1539-1590) and one other Jew, Tomas Treviño de Sobremonte, who was burned alive in the Grand Auto de Fé of April 11, 1649.

The focusing of attention on the Carvajals has obscured the fact that Jews had preceded them into Mexico by 60 years and that Jews have inhabited Mexico uninterruptedly since 1521. Little note has been made of the fact that Jews had been victims of the Inquisition prior to 1590. The historian's task of gleaning information from documents and people usually results in an interpretation colored by his own background, scholarship, economic status, conviction and even religion. We submit the following as a clear example of the foregoing.

In their identification with Latin America, major foreign powers-including Japan—have always considered the Central American region-the zone of present-day Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica—of secondary or lesser significance. For more than three centuries Spain attached marginal importance to this area and during the last 150 years, the five states there have played minor, though occasionally dramatic, roles in U.S. relations with Latin America. For Japan, until quite recently, the region has rarely fostered more than the single interest of trade, and that with stuttering results.

Because of its potential as a canal route, Nicaragua first drew Japanese attention to the area, attention that entered the historical record in such roundabout fashion that it raised more questions than it supplied answers.

This research note analyzes the incentives of different types of policy areas for a president to keep or dismiss a minister. It uses ministerial survival analysis to compare foreign and domestic policy areas, focusing on comparable and analogous presidential decisions among countries and portfolios. The research utilizes ministerial survival data for education, finance, health, and foreign policy between 1945 and 2020 in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay. Using Cox regression models, we find that a foreign policy portfolio has a positive effect on ministerial survival, but the specificity of this portfolio does not hold for autocratic governments. Autocracies show higher levels of ministerial survival in all four portfolios, but a foreign policy portfolio is no more stable than domestic portfolios. Democratic presidents have the incentive to signal stability to the international audience, preserving the foreign policy portfolio from the frequent ministerial changes in domestic portfolios.

Un pays ne saurait vivre replié sur lui-même, prisonnier de ses frontières. II doit entretenir des relations de tous ordres avec l'étranger.

Le gouverneur-empereur Dessalines en eut l'intuition. II prit en conséquence toutes les dispositions.

En premier lieu, Dessalines rassura toutes les puissances coloniales qu'Haïti s'abstiendrait de troubler la paix des colonies situées dans l'Archipel des Antilles. C'était une préaution de style pour calmer les appréhensions des nations européennes et garantir l'oeuvre d'indépendance de la Nation Haïtienne, en lui évitant toutes les mesures de coercition de la part de l'Espagne, de la France, de l'Angleterre, du Portugal et des autres puissances intéressées dans cette partie de l'hémisphère américain.

In Peru, as in most Latin American republics, managerial manpower development is gaining increased recognition as a major force in the modernization process. The explosive contemporary evolution of management education with new programs developing in every conceivable form and institution in Peru strongly evidences the North American concept of specialized higher education for administration, as well as its theory and curriculum. However, Peru's development of effective managerial resources is directly related to its unique social economic system within which they function. What may be sound and efficient management practice in the United States may be largely ineffective when taught within the widely different cultural and economic environment of Peru. In fact, the North American concept of managerial efficiency must be redefined in relation to the Peruvian value system and environmental constraints within which it must operate.

Of the men who helped to shape the destiny of Ecuador in the nineteenth century, two are outstanding. Both are enigmatic, and both appear to be contradictions to the normal pattern of behavior for their time and place. Gabriel Garcia Moreno as holder of the highest civil office of Ecuador held sway over the life and politics of the nation for nearly two decades. Federico González Suárez, who toward the end of his career was to hold the highest office the Church could bestow in Ecuador, was to have a more subtle influence as an historian.

Garcia Moreno, as civilian dictator, developed the cult of the Church to the highest degree by means of a concordat with the Vatican, and by dedicating the nation to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. For González Suárez, although a clergyman, the patria came first and religion second. If Garcia Moreno saw in the Church and Jesus Christ the only salvation for the nation, González Suárez was willing to point out the weaknesses, inadequacies, and scandalous acts of which the Church and monastic orders had been guilty.

Entre las cuestiones en que el derecho constitucional lationamericano ha debido separarse del modelo —en tantos otros respectos seguido no sin admiración— de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, cuenta la de los indígenas.

La diferencia arraiga en zonas profundas de la historia y de la idiosincrasia de los dos sectores culturales del continente americano. Es consecuencia de la diferente actitud básica con que emprendieron la ocupación de este territorio los ibéricos y los anglosajones. La conquista anglosajona de los actuales Estados Unidos, tendió al desalojo, cuando no al exterminio de los primitivos habitantes de ese territorio. Nunca intentaron, de consiguiente, incorporarlos a la comunidad dominante, ni prepararlos para esa incorporatión, ni la reconocieron deseable o legítima. Los restos de aquellos pobladores indígenas son tratados prácticamente como extranjeros, o poco menos, y han quedado situados en “reservaciones”, algo así como enclaves foráneos dentro del territorio de la Unión.

In that remarkable little book, so deftly argued and so elegantly phrased, which he wrote about anthropologists and coincidentally Peasant Society and Culture, Robert Redfield made more than one wise observation, but one was both a promise and a suggestion. Noting that peasant society in one sense consists of two connecting halves, he remarks that “we may be able to see a sort of link or hinge between the local life of a peasant community and the state or feudal system of which it is a part.”

The recognition and disclosure of connections in the extended relations of indigenous peoples — especially those who comprise major elements of modern states — is surely one way in which anthropologists, from the peculiar advantage of their ethnographic tradition, can contribute something of method and point of view to the study of large, compound societies and cultures.

The following study was prepared with the purpose in mind of exposing and clearing up some frequent confusion and misconceptions existing among Latin American experts about fundamental concepts of growth, standards of living, future potentialities, accumulated wealth, as well as inflationary problems in connection with the area's economic development.

There seems to exist some evidence that in the past few years too much has been written and said about Latin American economic development without the benefit of statistical data. Frequently the latter — when used at all — have been misinterpreted and unpleasant data were omitted with a consequent distortion of the truth. Writers in other disciplines have then built on these findings and further distortions of the Latin American picture have resulted. It also has become very fashionable to theorize and perhaps in that process to make up some facts that will fit the theory to be developed, generally the pet project of the investigator.

Carlos Pereyra (as quoted in Herrarte, 1955: 187) has written that “the entire history of Central America has been a struggle between union and separatism.” While this may be somewhat overstated, it is undeniable that the unionist-separatist syndrome has provided a major theme for nineteenth- and twentieth-century isthmian interrelationships. Indeed, from the collapse of the original Central American Federation in 1838 to the recent failure of the Central American Common Market, isthmian leaders have made numerous attempts to achieve some form of Central American integration. At times the threat of a forceful imposition of union, posed by such men as Guatemala's Justo Rufino Barrios and Nicaragua's José Santos Zelaya, tended to discredit the unionist cause. Central American unionists, however, have been, if anything, resilient, and, despite temporary setbacks, the ideal of union has remained a constant in isthmian affairs.

In 1976, Macmillan of Canada published the first recent book-length study of Canadian-Latin American relations, Gringos from the Far North: Essays in the History of Canadian-Latin American Relations, 1866-1968, by Professor J.C.M. Ogelsby of the University of Western Ontario (1976a). Ogelsby deals with interactions between the residents of Canada and those of the Latin American republics – diplomatic, trade, business and religious relations; he includes subjects such as the emigration of Canadian Mennonites to South America. Ogelsby, who consulted Canadian and Spanish-American archives and travelled to the scenes of many of the events he describes, sets a standard for others in the field.

Cuando Herbert Eugene Bolton, en 1932, enunció su tesis sobre la integración histórica de los países americanos despertó gran conmoción entre los historiadores sobre la validez de su tesis. Lo que propuso, simplemente, era que existían raíces comunes en todos los países americanos y que éstos necesitaban un estudio integrado para comprender los puntos complejos de dicha historia y darle una perspectiva continental. No cabe duda que a partir de 1932 varios historiadores han corregido ciertos aspectos de su tesis, pero a la vez, sigue íntegra como base para empezar un estudio económico y social de la ganadería americana. El problema con la tesis de Bolton aparece durante el período después de la independencia de los varios países y a la vez con la unión continua del Canadá con el Imperio Británico. He aquí donde muchos historiadores lo critican sin considerar que casi todos los países tomaron sus inspiraciones intelectuales de Europa y también de los Estados Unidos.

On February 27, 1967, representatives of the member nations of the Organization of American States, meeting in Buenos Aires, Argentina, signed the Protocol of Amendment to the 1948 Charter of Bogotá. It will become effective when ratified by two-thirds of the signatory states.

The Protocol reflects the current mood toward the inter-American regional system, and perhaps toward international organization in general. Contrasted with the 1948 Charter, the Protocol has its elements of strength and of weakness. The spirit of internationalism today, however, is much weaker than it was in 1948, and from the standpoint of the Organization the elements of weakness within the Protocol are much greater than the elements of strength.