Recent research on the Tiwanaku state has documented the evolution of regional settlement patterns and agricultural systems, but little is known of changes at the subregional level outside the capital. Analysis of a sequence of domestic occupations excavated at Lukurmata, Bolivia, provides information on how individual households within the Tiwanaku core area were consolidated into the Tiwanaku polity. Changes in residential patterns and artifact assemblages suggest that Lukurmata households were initially connected to the Tiwanaku polity through exchange and religious ties. A new level of assimilation developed in the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. These changes, including agricultural intensification, illustrate the increasing integration of individual households into the Tiwanaku political economy and social order as the landscape developed. The nature and timing of these changes are consistent with current hypotheses of a transformation in Tiwanaku political and economic organization near the end of the Tiwanaku IV period (A.D. 400-800).

This paper develops ideas first presented in "The Moche Revolt of the Objects" (Quilter 1990). It suggests that while the thematic approach to Moche iconography is useful, application of an approach that assumes that the themes are segments of a narrative will increase our understanding of the myths behind Moche art. After discussing the basis on which narrative may be inferred from art, the narrative approach is applied to demonstrate how known Moche artistic themes may be placed in sequence. Some previous uncertainties regarding iconographic figures are resolved, and part of the Moche mythic corpus is presented.

Se describen y analizan los patrones funerarios del sitio chinchorro Morro 1, localizado en la costa norte de Chile. Se excavaron 134 inhumaciones. Se identificaron los tres patrones funerarios conocidos para esta cultura: (a) cuerpos con momificación artificial, que corresponden a entierros secundarios y múltiples, (b) cuerpos cubiertos con arena, y (c) cuerpos sin tratamiento de ningún tipo. Estos dos últimos patrones constituyeron enterramientos individuales y primarios. Se evalúa si la práctica de la momificación artificial compromete a todos los individuos de la cultura chinchorro, o si por el contrario, hay mecanismos selectivos donde cierta categoría de individuos fueron sometidos a este tratamiento. Se concluye que fetos, neonatos, lactantes y niños presentan las más altas frecuencias de momificación artificial, y la mayor complejidad en los procedimientos empleados. Esta práctica se inicia con esta categoría etaria a los 7000 a.P. y finaliza también con neonatos y niños después de los 4000 a.P. Mientras que entre los 5500-4000 a. P. se encuentran cuerpos de todas las edades con momificación artificial.