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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2020
Heinrich Gustavovich Neuhaus (1888–1964) was one of the Soviet era's most iconic musicians. Settling in Russia reluctantly, he was dismayed by the policies of the Soviet state and unable to engage with contemporary narratives of selfhood in the wake of the Revolution. In creating a new aesthetic field that defined him as Russian rather than Soviet, Neuhaus embodied an ambiguous territory whereby his views both resonated with and challenged aspects of Soviet-era culture. This article traces how Neuhaus adopted the idea of self-reflective or ‘autobiographical’ art through an interdisciplinary melding of ideas from Boris Pasternak, Alexander Blok and Mikhail Vrubel. In exposing the resulting tension between his understanding of Russian and Soviet selfhood, it nuances our understanding of the cultural identities within this era. Finally, discussing this tension in relation to Neuhaus's contextualization of the artistic persona of Shostakovich, it contributes to a long-needed reappraisal of his relationship with the composer.
1 Letter to Lucy Pogosova, 14 October 1955, in Heinrich Gustavovich Neuhaus, Pis′ma (Correspondence), ed. Anatoliy Iosifovich Katts (Moscow: Deka, 2009), 393.Google Scholar
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3 Monsaingeon, Bruno, Sviatoslav Richter: Notebooks and Conversations, trans. Stewart Spencer (London: Faber & Faber, 2011), 30. Sviatoslav Richter (1915–97) was one of the most internationally famous pianists of his time. Alexander Goldenweiser (1875–1961) was a Russian pianist and composer, and one of the most important teachers based at the Moscow Conservatory. Konstantin Igumnov (1873–1948) was also a pianist and teacher of great authority at the same institution.Google Scholar
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6 Such generalizations were described by the American art critic Harold Schonberg as ‘inbred and even rather naïve […] Russian teachers such as Heinrich Neuhaus [only] produced formidable instrumentalists; […] good musical sportsmen rather than great artists’. Schonberg, The Great Pianists from Mozart to the Present (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987), 464.Google Scholar
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13 The official denunciation followed Pravda criticisms of Shostakovich's Lady Macbeth of the Mtsensk District and his ballet The Limpid Stream.Google Scholar
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27 This can be seen in the numerous discrepancies between the handwritten manuscripts of articles (RGALI, f. 2775) and their eventual published versions.Google Scholar
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33 Neuhaus's reconstructions show similarity to the mechanisms explored in Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 2nd edn (London and New York: Verso, 1991). See in particular the idea of ‘new nationalisms' in nineteenth-century Europe that ‘began to imagine themselves as “awakening from sleep”’ (p. 199).Google Scholar
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48 Boris Pasternak's father, Leonid Pasternak, was a painter and the famous illustrator of Lev Tolstoy's books, and frequently captured musicians (including Anton Rubinstein and Alexander Skryabin) and music-making on his canvases and sketches. He was in close touch with Nikolai Ge, Konstantin Korovin, Isaac Levitan, Tolstoy, Mikhail Vrubel and many others. As Neuhaus's friendship with the younger Pasternak progressed, he developed a lifelong passion for the artist's work. Pasternak's mother, Rosa Kaufman, was a successful concert pianist who had studied with Theodor Leschetitzky and may have attended the masterclasses of Anton Rubinstein.Google Scholar
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59 Although Blok remained in print after the Revolution because of his initial support for it, after the onset of the 1920s, when the avant-garde became an anathema, his work began to be ignored apart from a small selection of his poetry that was considered steeped in revolutionary spirit.Google Scholar
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97 Vrubel's painting originally would have been even more striking than it is today. The artist had mixed bronze powder, which has since oxidized, into his paints, in order to present a stunning, glistening effect to the sunset's rays touching the subjects depicted on the canvas.Google Scholar
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102 Borisov, Yurii Alexandrovich, Po napravleniyu k Rikhteru (In the Direction of Richter; St Petersburg: Azbuka-Attikus, 2011), 57. As a compromise, Richter reported that Neuhaus suggested he ‘tried ‘to “speak” the recitative in the voice of Diogenes from a barrel’.Google Scholar
103 RGALI, f. 2774, op. 1 ye. kh. 187.Google Scholar
104 Neuhaus, Ob iskusstve fortepiannoy igrï, rev. edn, 164.Google Scholar
105 A video clip demonstrating the use of sympathetic resonance in the recitative of Beethoven's ‘Tempest’ Sonata in D minor, op. 31 no. 2, performed by the author, may be accessed in the Supplemental Material online at <10.1080/02690403.2019.1651498.>' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=A+video+clip+demonstrating+the+use+of+sympathetic+resonance+in+the+recitative+of+Beethoven's+‘Tempest’+Sonata+in+D+minor,+op.+31+no.+2,+performed+by+the+author,+may+be+accessed+in+the+Supplemental+Material+online+at+<10.1080/02690403.2019.1651498.>>Google Scholar
106 Taruskin, Defining Russia Musically, 512.Google Scholar
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110 Ibid., 70.Google Scholar
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113 Ibid., 4.Google Scholar
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115 Frolova-Walker, Stalin's Music Prize, 90–6. As explained by Frolova-Walker, it was this mechanism of celebrating the folk music as an essential part of being a Soviet artist which had earned the Stalin Music Prize for so many recipients and genres from the Central Asian Republics, Caucasus region (including Armenia and Georgia) and other ethnic concentrations such as the Baltics. Thus, names which are rarely heard in Western musicology – Uzeyir Hajibeyov, Ahmed Hajiyev, Shalva Mshvelidze, Juozas Tallat-Kelpša – were rewarded for artistic merit either alongside, or even above, works by composers recognized today, such as Shostakovich, Prokofiev and Myaskovsky. Similarly, the same process prescribed programmes that were alien, for instance, to Shostakovich's symphonies in order nonsensically to justify their Soviet ideologies.Google Scholar
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117 For a summary, see Mitchell, Nietzsche's Orphans, and Olga Haldey, Mamontov's Private Opera: The Search for Modernism in Russian Theater (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2010).Google Scholar
118 Neuhaus, Heinrich Gustavovich, ‘Razdum′ya o Shopene’ (‘Thoughts on Chopin’), Kultura i zhizn′, 3 (1960), in Neuhaus, Razmïshleniya, vospominaniya, dnevniki, ed. Milstein, 233–6 (p. 233).Google Scholar
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120 Clark, Moscow, the Fourth Rome, 289; Tomoff, Virtuosi Abroad. Similarly, the positioning of late-imperial Russia as a supreme leader of a pan-European culture was traced in Mitchell, Nietzsche's Orphans. From a political aspect, Neuhaus was keenly aware of the implications of Soviet imperialism and was outspoken about what he defined as the annexation of the Baltic States during the Second World War; similarly, he had been critical of the way in which Central Powers and Russia had wrangled over the borders of the new Ukraine and Poland during the First World War. Moscow, Central Archive of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation, Delo P-38569.Google Scholar
121 Günther, Hans, The Culture of the Stalin Period (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1990).Google Scholar
122 Neuhaus, Heinrich Gustavovich, ‘O Shopene’ (‘About Chopin’), Sovetskaya muzïka, 2 (1960), 42–5, in Neuhaus, Razmïshleniya, vospominaniya, dnevniki, ed. Milstein, 230–3 (p. 233).Google Scholar
123 Moscow, Central Archive of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation, Delo P-38569; Heinrich Gustavovich Neuhaus, ‘Tvorcheskaya diskussiya v Moskovskom soyuze sovetskikh kompozitorov’ (‘Creative Discussion at the Moscow Union of Soviet Composers’), Sovetskaya muzïka, 3 (1936), 16–60; Neuhaus, Dokladï i vïstupleniya, ed. Khitruk; Neuhaus, ‘Glen Gul′d’.Google Scholar
124 Neuhaus, ‘O Shopene’, 233–4.Google Scholar
125 Neuhaus, Dokladï i vïstupleniya, ed. Khitruk, 107.Google Scholar
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127 Barenboim, Ėmil′ Gilel′s; Barenboim, ‘Kniga G. Neygauza i printsipï ego shkolï’; Gordon, Ėmil′ Gilel′s. For a discussion of this situation between Gilels and Neuhaus, see Razumovskaya, Maria, ‘Heinrich Neuhaus: Aesthetics and Philosophy of an Interpretation’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Royal College of Music, London, 2015), chapter 5.Google Scholar
128 Jelagin, Taming of the Arts, 247.Google Scholar
129 A meeting of writers was called in Moscow on 10 March 1936. The Literaturnaya gazeta (Literary Gazette) followed on from the Pravda articles by denouncing Pasternak and several other writers for their ‘formalist conduct’ on 15 March (no. 14, pp. 1–3) and 20 March (no. 17, p. 1). For a further summary of Pasternak's difficulties with the regime at this time, see Barnes, Christopher, Boris Pasternak: A Literary Biography, 2 vols. (Cambridge University Press, 1989–1998; repr. 2004), ii: 1928–1960, 132–51.Google Scholar
130 Fitzpatrick, Sheila, The Cultural Front: Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 201–6; Pauline Fairclough, A Soviet Credo: Shostakovich's Fourth Symphony (Aldershot and Burlingon, VT: Ashgate, 2006), 25.Google Scholar
131 Neuhaus, ‘Tvorcheskaya diskussiya’, 27.Google Scholar
132 Letter to Lucy Pogosova, 24 December 1951, in Neuhaus, Pis′ma, ed. Katts, 373.Google Scholar
133 Letter to Berta Marants, 17 May 1952, in Neuhaus, Pis′ma, ed. Katts, 376.Google Scholar
134 See, among others, Neuhaus's letters to Mark Milman from Sverdlovsk, 25 January 1944, and to Boris Kuftin from Tsaltubo, 29 November 1948. Ibid., 263, 321.Google Scholar
135 Fitzpatrick, The Cultural Front, 206.Google Scholar
136 Neuhaus, Ob iskusstve fortepiannoy igrï, rev. edn, 213.Google Scholar
137 Neuhaus, ‘Tvorcheskaya diskussiya’, 27.Google Scholar
138 Hellbeck, Autobiographical Practices in Russia, 290.Google Scholar
139 Halfin, Terror in my Soul, 244.Google Scholar
140 Pravda, 17 February 1936, 3. This is the summarized version of Neuhaus's speech, which has underpinned certain investigations of the denunciation of Shostakovich. For example, it was presented in Fitzpatrick, The Cultural Front, 206.Google Scholar
141 Neuhaus, ‘Avtobiograficheskie zapiski: Glava II’, 48.Google Scholar
142 Moscow, Central Archive of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation, Delo P-38569, 29–30.Google Scholar
143 Photograph taken in 1958; reproduced and discussed in Maria Razumovskaya, Heinrich Neuhaus: A Life beyond Music (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2018), 71. The Tenth Symphony was withheld from performance until December 1953 owing to the post-1948 anti-formalism campaign following Stalin's death in March that year.Google Scholar
144 Hellbeck, Autobiographical Practices in Russia, 290.Google Scholar
145 Taruskin, ‘Safe Harbors’, 98.Google Scholar
Razumovskaya Supplementary Material
