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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 March 2011
The collection of specimens of imperial titles which will be found in this paper was begun during the recent discussions in Parliament, and with reference to India only. When it was proposed to add to the titles hitherto borne by the Sovereigns of the British Isles another, which was supposed to be more expressive of the relation of the Crown of England to the people and princes of India, it seemed to me important to inquire what were the titles borne by the sovereigns of dynasties in the East whose power could alone compare with our own. Many of the titles of honour, and especially sovereign titles, which have been at different times current in the East, bear a different significance to those in Europe; and to apply to an Eastern dominion titles which had their origin in the public law and policy of the Western world seemed an anachronism, and likely to lead to confusion of language and ideas. Popular language has, indeed, long applied the title of Emperor to the sovereigns of extensive dominions in the East. So far is this carried that it is almost universally used in speaking of all the great monarchies in Asia in modern times, and by grave historians. We read of Emperors of China, of India, of Tartary, and of Constantinople.
page 314 note 1 Chap. lxv.
page 315 note 1 Travels of Ibn Batuta, Dr. Lee's translation, p. 125. It will be shown further on that the title Malik was in India one of honour only, and was not borne by reigning princes. This indeed is pointed out by this traveller in another passage.
page 316 note 1 “Itemque de imperio suo legem curiatam tulit.” The same expression; slightly varied, is applied to each case.
page 317 note 1 Suetonius, lxxvi. Non enim honores modo nimios recepit, ut continuum consulatum, perpetuam dictaturam præfecturamque morum; insuper prænomen imperatoris, cognomen patris patriæ, statuam inter reges, suggestum in orchestra; sed et ampliora etiam humano fastidio decerni sibi passus est.
page 317 note 2 Annal, i. 1.
page 317 note 3 The personal appellation Cæsar was of course in constant use, and especially in addressing them. Thus Horace
Hic ames dici pater atque Princeps.
Neu sinas Medos equitare inultos,
Te duce, Cæsar.—(Od. i. 2.)
For examples of the use of Princeps I may refer to Juvenal, viii. 198, 226; x. 76, 93.
page 317 note 4 Tacitus, , Annal, i. 3.Google Scholar
page 317 note 5 Annal, iii. 74: Concessit quibusdam et Augustus id vocabulum, et tunc Tiberius Blæso postremum.
page 318 note 1 Whiston's Josephus, The Jewish War, c. 6.
page 318 note 2 Various coins are extant connected with the fall of Jerusalem with this title applied to Titus, see the Numismatic Chronicle for 1876. The inscription on one runs: ΑϒΤΟΚΡΑ ΤΙΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΣΕΒ.
page 319 note 3 Dio. lib. xliii. sec. 44: Τ τε το
'Αυτοκρτορος 
νομα οὐ κατ τ ρΧα
ον 
τι μνον 
σπερ 
λλοι τε κα κενος πολλκις κ τν πολμων πεκλθησαν, οὐδ ὡς 
τιν αὐτοτελ
γεμοναν 
κα 
λλην τιν ξουσαν λαβντες, ὠναμζοντο, λλ καθπαξ τοτο δ τ κα νν τος τ κρτυς ε 
Χουσι διδμενον κενω ττε πρώτω τε κα πρτον 
σπερ τι κριον προσθησαν.
page 319 note 1 Livy, , xxvi. 2.Google Scholar
page 319 note 2 Livy, , xxvi. 2Google Scholar: “Titulus honoris (quod imperio non populi jussu non ex auctoritate patrum dato, proprætor senatui, scripserat), magnam partem hominum offendebat. Rem mali exempli esse imperatores legi ab exercitibus.”
page 319 note 3 Spanheim, de usu numismatum, vol. ii. p. 181.
page 321 note 1 και πολλκις Υε λεγεν 
τι δεσπτης μεν τν δολων αὐτοκρτωρ δ τν στρατιώτων τν δε τν λοπν πρκριτος εἰμ—Dio. 57,
page 321 note 2 Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, vol. xxi.
page 321 note 3 Hist. ii. 89: Ipse Vitellius a Ponte Milvio, insigni equo, paludatus accinctusque, senatum ac populum ante se agens, quominus ut captam urbem ingrederetur, amicorum consilio deterritus, sumptâ pretextâ et composito agmine incessit.
page 321 note 4 Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, vol. xxiv.
page 323 note 1 Instinctu divinitatis et mentis magnitudine. The term divine instinct, is usually applied to oracular inspiration.
page 323 note 2 M´moires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, vol. xv.
page 325 note 1 Gibbon, cap. xxxv. Sharon Turner's Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. p. 184. Spanheim de usu numismatum, eighth dissertation.
page 325 note 2 A long list of these titles appeared in the Athenæwn of April 8th, 1876, extracted by Mr. W. de Gray Birch from Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus Ævi Saxonici and other works. Imperial titles of every variety came into use latterly, but, from the beginning of the seventh century downwards, that of Rex was commonly used by all sovereigns without exception.
page 328 note 1 It appears, however, on his coins.—Gibbon.
page 328 note 2 The subject has also been treated very fully in one of Spanheim's Dissertations, and by Seiden (Titles of Honour). Augustus issued an edict against its use, and Tiberius is also said to have repelled it. The compliments which were paid to them and to Trajan for rejecting it are duly recorded. The following, from Ovid, in his parallel between Augustus and Romulus, may be taken as an example:
“Vis tibi grata fuit, florent sub Cæsare leges.
Tu Domini nomen, Principis ille tenet.”
And yet even Augustus, according to Dio, did not object to be addressed by the obnoxious title when it came from Cleopatra; Χαρε 
δεσπτα were the terms. A curious instance of the odium which attached to the title is recorded by Josephus: “The sicarii or banditti, who fled to Egypt during the troubles in Judæa, suffered every torture rather than address Cæsar as their Lord, Θεν δ μνον γσασθαι δεσπτην” —Jewish War, book vii. From-the time of Dioclesian the title comes into constant use, and writers of a later period use the term habitually in speaking of the head of government in place of the title Emperor. The third preface of the Digest of Justinian applies it to our Saviour, it runs: ν νομτι το δεσπτο κα Θεο υν 'Ιησο Χριστο.
page 328 note 3 Ducange, Glossarium.
page 329 note 1 Gibbon, cap. 36.
page 331 note 1 Marsden, , vol. i. Introduction, p. xv.Google Scholar
page 333 note 1 I am indebted to Mr. E. S. Poole, of the British Museum, for the transcription of this curious coin.
Dín´r (Gold Coin) of Alfonso VIII. of Castille. a.d. 1158–1214. 
Size, 1 inch. Weight, 57 grains.
Obv. Area. The Imám of the Church of the Messiah, the Pope of Eome. ALF.
Margin. In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost: whosoever believeth and is baptised shall be saved.
Rev. Area. The Amir of the Catholics, Alfons, son of Sancho; God aid and succour him.
Margin. This dínár was struck in the city of Toledo, in the year 1225? of the Safar.
page 334 note 1 Ducange (Glossarium ad scriptores mediæ ac infimæ latinitatis) refers to a seal of Pepin bearing the inscription “Pepinus Imperator,” but adds significantly, “Si genuinus est.” The same authority quotes several instances of the title being applied to French sovereigns of the early dynasties, and among others to Clovis, in a life of St. Fridolin, and to Pepin, in an old Charter, which concludes with the words, “Actum Flaviniano Cœnobio, anno 17 Peppini imperatoris, 3 idus Junii.” There is no evidence of any formal assumption of the dignity by any of these sovereigns. The same author appends to his article on the use of the title in the middle ages a remark indicative of the loose manner in which it was employed: “Ceterum, haud satis sibi constitere scriptores in hujusce tituli distributione, ut quid inde uti indubitatum hauriri liceat. Modo enim qui Imperator est dictus, is paulo post ab eodem Rex est appellatus; et vicissim; quod etiam accidit in Imperatricis titulis.”
page 337 note 1 “The Holy Roman Empire,” a work to which I am indebted in tracing the history of the empire during the middle ages.
page 337 note 2 The extent of their powers are very fully illustrated by Dueange, (Glossarium, under the title Missi), in extracts from the Capitulations of Charlemagne, and from mediæval chronicles. The inquisitorial power was exercised over all orders of society, and extended to conduct and morals. “Inquirebant qualiter Episcopi, Abbates, Comites, et Abbatissæ per singulos pagos agerent; qualem concordiam et amicitiam ad invioem tenerent, et ut bonos et idoneos Vicedomnos et advocates haberent, et undecumque necesse fecisset tarn regias quam ecclesiarum Dei justitias, viduarum quoque et orphanorum, sed et cæterorum hominum inquirerent et perficerent,” etc.
“De monasteriis etiam et ecclesiis inquirebant, ac potissimum de conversatione virorum et puellarum etc.”
page 340 note 1 Bella gerant alii, tu, felix Austria, nube.
Nam quæ Mars aliis dat tibi regna Venus.
page 341 note 1 “Zu Aachen in seiner Kaiserpracht
In alterthümlichen Saale,
Sass König Rudolphs heilige Macht
Beim festlichen Krönungsmahle.
Die Speisen trug der Pfalzgraf des Rheins,
Es schenkte der Böhme des perlenden Weins,
Und alle die Wähler, die sieben,
Wie der Sterne Char um die Sonne sich stellt,
Umstanden geschäftig den Herrscher des Welt
Die Würde des Amtes zu ¨ben.”
page 341 note 2 The Count or Comes, in its origin, was an officer of state under the Empire. The Emperors had select attendants of consular or praetorian rank, entitled Comites or Amici. They were of different grades, and constituted a sort of privy council. The whole body was entitled Bomanum Collegium. Individuals were designated Comes primi ordinis, etc. Special offices were subsequently attached to the rank, as Comes or Magister, (for the word is used indifferently), sacrarum largitionum, Comes rerum privatarum, Comes equitum, etc., and lastly the name was connected with territorial jurisdiction. The Comes exercised his special office in a particular province, or became Count of the province, as Comes Egypti, Comes Isaurise. Comes is also used as the equivalent for Archon, a title that fell into disuse, but was sometimes used in Anglo-Saxon times. Instances are given of the title appearing in the Acts of Ecclesiastical Councils, but its significance, as a territorial title, is traced by Selden to its being associated with that of Dux, a common designation for the lieutenants of provinces or frontiers, as, for instance, Dux et Comes rei militaris Isaurise. The title, thus associated with high dignity in the Eastern Empire, rapidly extended in the West, and accumulated instances are given by Selden of letters patent creating the dignity, under Theodoric King of Italy. Counts were also created by Gothic Kings.
page 343 note 1 Supplement au Corps Diplomatique, vol. ii. p. 23, where reference is made to Baronii Annales Ecclesiastici, Tom. x.
page 344 note 1 Corps Diplomatique, vol. ii. p. 363.Google Scholar
page 344 note 2 Fœdera, Rymer's, vol. iv. part ii. p. 171Google Scholar. It will be observed that in these transactions Sigismund is only described as King of the Bomans, and the same designation is also applied to him by Henry in the letter appointing persons to conduct him on his arrival. He is merely entitled King of the Romans and of Hungary. Sigismund was not crowned at Rome until 1433.
page 345 note 1 Supplement au Corps Diplomatique, vol. ii. p. 185. The document is said to be taken from the register of the time of Duke Ferry, preserved in the archives of Nancy.
page 346 note 1 Corps Diplomatique, vol. iv. p. 352.Google Scholar
page 346 note 2 Corps Diplomatique, vol. viii. p. 133.Google Scholar
page 346 note 3 The well-known lines of Lucan, descriptive of the tottering condition of the Pompeian party, and frequently applied to institutions that have survived their vigour, are apposite,—
“Qualis frugifero quercus sublimis in agro, Exuvias veteres populi sacretaque gestans Dona ducum, nec jam validis radicibus hærens, Pondere fixa suo est …”
page 348 note 1 Sharon Turner's Anglo-Saxons, vol. ii. p. 267. In a note it is said that the chief called Macchus subscribed himself Archipirata! The authority for this is Malmesbury, who says that he had seen this signature on one of Edgar's charters with this peculiar epithet attached.
page 349 note 1 Selden, Titles of Honour.
page 349 note 2 24 Hen. VIII. c. 12.
page 351 note 1 Mariana, Liv. xi.
page 351 note 2 Ducange, under the article Imperator, gives many illustrations of the use of the title in Spain from the charters of the princes of Castile. In the following extract, which is taken from Zurita in Analibus Aragon, it is employed in the sense of feudal superiority. “En el ano de 1135 el rey Don Alonzo, estando en la Cuidad de Leon, tomo la corona e insignias del Imperio Como Imperador y monarcha de todo España, pretendiendo que los Eeynos y Señorios della o eran suyos, o le devian renococer come a Senor Soverano.”
page 352 note 1 Cyril, Apostle of the Sclaves in the tenth century, was the author of this translation. He introduced letters which bear his name, and worked among the Chazares, then Muhammadans, and settled on the Danube.
page 352 note 2 Karamsin, , vol. vii. p. 66Google Scholar, and the note on this passage at the end of the volume.
page 356 note 1 Mir Miran is the Persian corruption of Amir il Omra, and was applied to governors of provinces.
page 357 note 1 
. I feel a difficulty in translating the word Salih, from its reference to the world as well as religion. In the dictionaries it is rendered rectitude, probity, or status- integer, bonus. If the name were Salah-ed-din alone, it would bear the meaning which a friend has suggested to me of whole or sound as to religion.
page 357 note 2 Journ. R.A.S. Vol. XVII. p. 161.Google Scholar
page 358 note 1 The expression in the original is Amir il Mumenin, Commander of the Faithful, the title of the Khalifs.
page 358 note 2 The Sayud.
page 358 note 3 This is not one of the titles conferred by the Khalif. They appear in the preceding translation. The original is Yemín ud daulut Amir gl Millat (
.). Vide Ferishta, Briggs's, vol. i. p. 36.Google Scholar
page 359 note 1 Journ. R.A.S. Vol. XVII. p. 192.Google Scholar
page 360 note 1 In the collection of these monuments, published in the “Records of the Past,” Shalmaneser is variously described as “King of the four races” (vol. i. p. 13), and “King of multitudes of men,” “King of the four zones of the Sun” (vol. v. p. 29). This is obviously an assertion of universal dominion. May not this be the prototype-of the Ἄναξ νδρν of Homer ?
page 360 note 2 Khosru.
page 361 note 1 Elliot, 's Historians of India, vol. ii. p. 396.Google Scholar
page 361 note 2 It is variously rendered Molech or Moloch, Milcom, or Malcham. Another variety appears in 2 Kings xvii. 31, where the Sepharvites are described as burning their children in fire to Adrammelech and Annamelech, the gods of Sepharvaim. The word Malcham is sometimes rendered, in the Authorized Version, “their King,” as in the account of Joab's expedition against the Ammonites, 1 Chron. xx. 2. On this occasion David takes the crown of “their King” from off his head. It weighs a talent of gold, and is set on David's head. In the Hebrew Malcham occurs, and in the Septuagint Μολχομ So also Zephaniah i 5, where the translation is open to similar doubt. (Selden de Diis Syris, in re Moloch.) The connexion between Moloch and Baal seems well established, and as Baal, like Moloch, is interpreted prince, there is an identity of title as well as of rites. The Carthaginians, as also the Phœnicians, were said by the ancients to worship χρνος or Saturn. Human sacrifices were common to all. We accordingly find the title Bal commonly affected by the Carthaginians, and forming part of the name by which Hannibal and others are known to history; but Malik is also used, as in the case of Hannibal's father, Hamilkar. According to Gesenius (Phœn. Monum., p. 407), the former means “the grace and favour of Baal,” the latter “the gift of Melkarth” (king of the city), the tutelary deity of the Tyrians.
page 362 note 1 Journ. R.A.S. Vol. XIX. p. 135; Vol. XVIII. p. 42.Google Scholar
page 363 note 1 Journ. R.A.S. Vol. XIX. p. 262.Google Scholar
page 364 note 1 The translation which is given by Mr. West in the fourth volume of our Journal (New Series), p. 363, differs but slightly from the above. The Greek of the 4th Inscription runs as follows:
ΤΟ ΠρΟΣΟΠΟΝ ΤΟγΤΟ ΜΑΣΔΑΣΝΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΣΑΠΩρΟΥ
βΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩν αρΙαΝΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ ΕΚγεΝΟΥΣ
ΘΕΩΝ μιον ΜΑΣδαΣΝΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΑΡΤΑξΑΡΟΥ
Βασιλεως ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ ΕΚΤΕΝΟνς θεων
ΕΚΤΟΝΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΠΑΠΑΚΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛεως.
page 364 note 2 δ το Περσν βασιλως γρμμασι μν᾽ εγρϕη Περικος, τδ Ἐλληνδι ϕων
καττατα δπονθεν ἰσχει τ ρματα “Θεος, γαθς, εἰρηνοπτριος, ρχαος χοσης, βασιλεὺς βασιλων, ευτυχς, ευσεβς, γαθοποις, τινι Θεο μεγλην τχην κα μγαλην βασιλεαν, δεδώκασι, γγας γιγντων, δς κ θεν χαακταρξεται, Ἰυυστινιαν
Κασαρι, δελθ μετρῳ.”
page 365 note 1 D'Herbelot.
page 366 note 1 
page 366 note 2 
page 366 note 3 
page 367 note 1 
page 368 note 1 The full address runs as follows:
“Sa Majesté noble, elevée, le Sultan auguste, le roi des rois, unique, frère, le Kan un tel.”
page 368 note 2 Briggs, 's Ferishta, vol. i. p. 291.Google Scholar
page 368 note 3 Price, 's translation, p. 110.Google Scholar
page 368 note 4 Mr. N. B. E. Baillie has directed my attention to a passage in Elliot's Historians bearing on this point (vol. iii. p. 576), which runs thus: “As regards the great officers of state, those of the highest rank are called Khans, then the Maliks, then the Amirs, etc.”
page 369 note 1 Layard, 's Nineveh, vol. i. p. 298.Google Scholar
page 369 note 2 Layard, 's Nineveh and Babylon, p. 48.Google Scholar
page 370 note 1 Titles of Honour. Vide Daniel, vi. 3. The word is rendered in the Authorized Version, rulers (of the provinces), and in the Septuagint ρχντας.
page 370 note 2 Journal Asiatique, 1863, p. 9.Google Scholar
page 370 note 3 The story, as told by d'Herbelot, is that Khalaf, ruler of Seistan, a prince who rose into importance in the troubles of the times, being attacked by Mahmud, made his submission and brought the keys of the place, recognizing Mahmud as his Sultan. Under the article Sultan in the same Dictionary, Khalaf is described as the Ambassador of the Khalif. The former account is also given by Sir J, Malcolm, in his History of Persia, from the Zeenut al Towarikh. Another apocryphal story is given by D'Herbelot with regard to the title of Waly, also said to have been conferred by the reigning Khalif, the improbability of which is pointed out by Mr. Thomas in his Essay on the Coins of Ghazni. Ferishta and other writers mention the congratulatory messages of the Khalif, but the titles conferred were religious titles in ordinary usage. Amidst this confusion, the only point on which one can rest with confidence is that the title is especially connected with the Ghaznevide dynasty, and that uniform tradition applies it to Mahmud as the first to employ it as a royal title. Mr. Thomas does, indeed, point out, in his Essay on the Coins of the Kings of Ghazni, that the title does not appear on the coins of Mahmud, nor of his immediate successors, and he infers from this that, although this great conqueror may have been addressed by this form, he did not employ it in his official acts. The evidence of these coins is not, however, conclusive on such a point, for they are so overlaid with Muhammadan symbols and texts from the Koran, that there is little room left for more than the bare name of the sovereign. When anything is added, it is generally one or more of those titles, like “right hand of the state,” which mark his allegiance to the Khalif.
page 371 note 1 Geschichte der Caliphen, , vol. ii. p. 345Google Scholar, note. “Von einem Sultanstitel sheint aber auch Freitag un seinem Quellen nach gefunden zu haben. Erst unter Mutawakkel kommt der Sultanstitel bei Halebi vor, da heisst es (p. 24) Affsharhamian war einer der Feldherren Mutawakkels und seiner vertrauter. Mutawakkel ernannte ihn entweder zum oberhaupte den truppen von Kinestrin ober er war der Sultan zur zeit Mutawakkels so dass er die Unterstatthalter entsetzen konnte.”
page 372 note 1 
.
page 373 note 1 
. The term 
is supposed by Marsden to be intended for Hulaku's father, Mangu Khan, whose supremacy was thus acknowledged.
page 374 note 1 
page 374 note 2 In the letter from Achmet to Henry IV. of France, before referred to, the sovereign is described as Achmet filz de l'Empereur Mahomet, de l'Empereur Amorat, etc. Through the whole pedigree l'Empereur may be assumed to be Sultan in the original.
page 375 note 1 Tableau général de l'Empire Ottoman.
page 375 note 2 
.
page 375 note 3 The treaty of peace between Charles VI. of Germany and Achmed Kh 1718.
page 375 note 4 
.
page 377 note 1 Marsden, vol. i. p. 277Google Scholar. The inscription runs, “Sultan Muhammad Khan Amir Timur Gurgan.”
page 378 note 1 Abbreviation of Amirzadeh.
page 379 note 1 
.
page 379 note 2 Titles of Honour.
page 380 note 1 I may here add a curious passage, given by Seiden to show that, in the very infancy of the rule of the Ottoman dynasty, the title of Khalif was affected by them. Orkhan, the son of the first Othman, addressed letters to the states of the Saracens in Africa and Spain, urging them to attack the Christians in Spain. This was translated by a Saracen captive into Latin, and thence into Spanish, and afterwards into French, and was sent with other letters of intelligence to Edward III. of England. “‘De moy Goldifa, vn ley Exerif, Savdan, seignior sages, fort et puissant seignior de la mesen de Mek du seint hautesse, et en la sue saint vertu fesant justices hauts et basses, constreignant sur toux constreignants, seignior du railm di Turky et de Percye, retenour des terres de Hermenye, seignior de la dobble et de les dobbles de la mere mervailouse, perceinor de les febles ore anutz en la saint ley Mahomet, seignior de la fort espee de Elias et de David que tua.’—My book instructs me no further, but is here torn. Goldifa is Calipha.”
I should suppose that the expression “la dobble et les dobbles de la mere mervailouse” has reference to the claim of lordship over the two seas and of the two continents.
It has been pointed out to me that the Euxine received the title of wonderful from Herodotus. Darius sitting in the temple of Jupiter, while preparing for the passage of the Bosphorus, casts his eyes over the Euxine, to which the historian adds: Εντα ξιοθητον, πελαγν γρ πντων πϕυκε Θαυμαστιώτατος. iv. 85.
page 381 note 1 Selden points out that the word Khalif appears in its literal sense as vice or ντί in the Syriac version of the Scriptures, where, in St. Matthew, Archelaus is said to reign instead of or in place of Herod. The Syriac has Chealaph Herodes.
page 381 note 2 D'Herbelot.
page 383 note 1 Makrizi's History, Quatremère's translation, vol. i. p. 146. The Khalif subsequently delivered the Khotbeh at the Great Mosque, and pronounced a very long discourse, in which there was another conveyance of all the countries which the Sultan's arms could conquer. There is much more in detail of the fêtes and honours done to the new Pontiff, extending over many pages. His success encouraged a rival pretender to the dignity. The Khalif, after parting from the Sultan, proceeded under an escort in the direction of Aleppo, and encountered, on his way, this new claimant, who had an escort of 700 Turkoman cavaliers. The Khalif proposed terms, and invited him to act with him to raise the house of Abbas. The “pretender,” as he is called, accepted the proposal, and received honourable treatment.
page 385 note 1 See Thomas on the Coins of the Kings of Ghazni (Journ R.A.S. Vol. XVII.). Further evidence of the assumption of the title by Masáud is given in the same essay, in a quotation by an Arabic writer. The act in which it appears was agreed to by this sovereign A.H. 423.
page 385 note 2 Marsden, , vol. i. pp. 348–9Google Scholar. Marsden quotes from De Sacy's translation of Makrizi: “Il se trouva près de lui treize rois que l'élurent et le proclamèrent Emir des Musulmans. C'est le premier des rois du Magreb que ait porté ce titre.” The title borne by the heads of governments in Spain and North Africa at this time was the old Arabic one of Amir, and it appears on the coinage of this sovereign, who is styled Al Amir Yusuf ben Tashfin. An extract from Abulfeda is given by Marsden, confirming the fact of the assumption of the title of the Khalifs. That on Yusuf's coins appears as Amir il Mumenin.
page 386 note 1 Selden quotes a passage from Matthew of Paris to the effect that John of England sent a secret embassy to one of these potentates, offering to turn Muhammadan. The chronicler styles him “Admiralium Murmelium, quem vulgus miramomelinum vocat.” The embassy may be apocryphal, but the chronicler may be quoted in proof of the recognition of the title at this period. The naval title Admiral is distinctly traced to this Arabic original. Selden points out that the monkish historians of the holy wars are full of these Admirabiles, Admiralli, and Ammiralli. De Joinville calls them Admiraulx, and speaks of the Admiraulx d'Egypte or Admiraulx de Babiloyne. So Milton compares Satan's spear to “The mast Of some great Ammiral.”
Amirals or admirals were known to the Genoese in the twelfth century, and the office is mentioned in English history in the century following. The first English admiral was W. de Leybourne, who was appointed by Edward I. under the title Admiral de la mer du Roi d'Angleterre.
page 386 note 2 The coin to which I refer is given in Mr. Thomas's Essay on the Coins of the Kings of Ghazni, , Vol. IX. p. 385Google Scholar. The name which precedes the title is that of the Khalif then reigning at Baghdad—Nasir le din Illah.
page 387 note 1 Cap. 64.
page 389 note 1 Memoirs of Timur, translated by MajorStewart, , pp. 135, 6.Google Scholar
page 389 note 2 An exception to this general remark will be found in some of the coins of Kutb-ud din Mubarik Shah, who reigned in Dehli A.H. 716–720. This young man was a wretched voluptuary, and during his short reign exhibited no abilities or vigour. Ferishta offers an apology for recording his excesses. This special coinage was, probably, the result of some drunken freak. The prince is described on some of them as “the Supreme Imam, Khalifah of the God of heaven and earth.” Thomas, Chronicles of the Pathán Kings of Dehli, pp. 179–182.
page 390 note 1 Marsden, , vol. ii. p. 549Google Scholar. The expression is curious— 
page 390 note 2 Marsden, , vol. ii. p. 641Google Scholar— 
page 390 note 3 Marsden, , vol. ii. pp. 463, 465Google Scholar. The expression on the first coin is 
on the latter 
page 392 note 1 Tableau Général de l'Empire Ottoman. The work was published late in the eighteenth century. His account of the religious and civil jurisprudence is based on the Multeka ul Abhur, the principal work in repute throughout the empire.
page 392 note 2 Article III. of the treaty provides for the complete independence of the Tatars of the Crimea in all civil matters, including the election of their Khans. The proviso relating to the spiritual supremacy of the Porte runs as follows: “Quant aux ceremonies de religion, comme les Tartares professent le même culte que les Musulmans ils se regleront à l'égard de sa hautesse comme Grand Calife du Mahometisime selon les préceptes que leur prescrit leur loi, sans aucune préjudice neanmoins de la confirmation de leur liberté politique et civile.”
The attempt to distinguish between civil and religious liberty presented difficulties that threatened a new rupture. The Porte refused to recognize Shahin Gerai, and release him from obedience in temporal matters, except on the condition that the Khan should acknowledge his spiritual supremacy. But as the Court of Constantinople insisted on appointing Mollas and Cadis, as heretofore, there seemed no prospect of an adjustment. The question was finally set at rest by the Convention of Ainarly-Cawak in 1779, under the mediation of the French Government. This act was, in fact, a confirmation of that of 1774, and prepared the way for the cession of the Crimea to Russia by Shahin Gerai in 1781, which was formally recognized by the Porte in 1784.
page 393 note 1 This is the rendering of Sir H. Rawlinson. That of Burnouf is Khchayo, which brings us still nearer to the modern word.
page 393 note 2 Journal R.A.S. Vol. X. p. 86.Google Scholar
page 393 note 3 Chap. viii. 10, 14, where the word is rendered “camels” in the Authorized Version. The author of the Speaker's Commentary on this book considers that Haug and Bertheau have shown clearly that the word is really an adjective and means “royal.”
page 394 note 1 Hang, 's Essays, pp. 45, 234.Google Scholar
page 394 note 2 Rawlinson, , Essays on Central Asia, p. 246.Google Scholar
page 395 note 1 Malcolm, 's History, vol. i. p. 91.Google Scholar
page 395 note 2 This title, according to D'Herbelot, was given by Timur to his son because he received tidings of his birth while playing at chess, and the father had just made the move by which the king is checkmated by the Rook or Castle. The move in Persian is called Shah Rokh.
page 396 note 1 Malcolm, , vol. i. p. 447.Google Scholar
page 396 note 2 Mr. Elphinstone, in his History of India, offers some excellent remarks on the characteristics of the Arab, Tatar, and Persian races, which I should be tempted to quote, were it not for their length. The Turks have displayed great military qualities, and by force of character have maintained their dominion over subject races for centuries, both in the East and West, but, unlike the Arabs, they have, as Mr. Elphinstone remarks, neither founded a religion nor introduced a literature; and so far from impressing their own stamp on others, they have universally melted into that of the nation among whom they settled. They have, however, availed themselves of the aptitude for business shown by the conquered races, whether Persians or Hindus. The talents and ingenuity of the Persians have enabled them, though depressed by despotic rulers, to make a figure in history out of proportion to their number, or the resources of their territory.— See Elphinstone's India, book v. cap. iii.
page 396 note 3 The Chronicles of the Pathán Kings of Dehli, p. 155.
page 397 note 1 Selden gives several instances of the use of Shah in the middle ages, and before the assumption of the title by the reigning family of Persia; but the old writers to whom he refers are chiefly Greek. Malik Shah becomes Μελιξ
. In some instances it is applied to the ruler of a particular country, as Κερμασαα the King of Kerma, and Σεγανσαα King of the Seganes. Selden says that the Persians call the Pope Rumsha. I suspect that Rum in this case is the Rum of the Seljuk monarchy. Selden points out that in the instances which he has come across it is applied to petty sovereigns or governors of provinces.
page 397 note 2 Journal As. Soc. Bengal, vol. vi. p. 974.Google Scholar
page 397 note 3 Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British Museum, vol. ii. pp. 213, 214Google Scholar. The coin of this prince's son is given by Mr. Stanley Lane Poole, in his paper on inedited Arabic coins, where the same title appears. Journal R.A.S. Vol. VII. p. 250.Google Scholar
page 398 note 1 Shahanshah or Shahinshah, for the title is given in both forms, is not in the idiom of modern Persian, and various conjectures have been offered to me as to its origin. I suppose it to be merely an abridged form of the ancient title, as it was used in the time of Darius, by the reduction of the inflexion of the genitive plural ánam to án. Nadir Shah, by a simple inversion of the words, converted it into the idiom of his own age, Shah-i-Shahan.—Marsden, , vol. ii. p. 447.Google Scholar
page 398 note 2 J.R.A.S. Vol. III. n.s. p. 273Google Scholar; and Vol. IV. n.s. p. 401.
page 399 note 1 That is, 
The first word of this title is familiar to us from its having been borne by the barbarian rulers of Morocco in recent times. Muley is prefixed to these names, but the title runs as above, Muli Malúk, or, as it is usually written, Muley Moloch. The full title quoted above is not uncommon, and may be found, for example, in the inscription of the titles of Musáud on the minaret near Ghazni. In the inflected form Múlana, our master, it forms the heading of the complimentary titles addressed to Abulfeda, and quoted by Reinaud in the preface to his geography, and is the term of respect commonly used in addressing learned persons, such as judges. It was the custom to address the Khalif in Egypt by this form. The fact is mentioned by William of Tyre, in his narrative of the events connected with an embassy to the Court at Cairo, in 1167 a.d., quoted by De Guignes, (vol. ii. p. 195)Google Scholar. The only instances of its appearance on coins of ruling princes that I have met with are given by Marsden. The first is on a coin of a Turkoman-Ortokite prince. It contains a curious jumble of titles, “Il-Ghazi, our master (Múlana), the just, wise Málik, Kotb-ed-din, Malik al Omra, Shah of Diarbekr.” It is inferred from the use of the inflected form, implying a dedication, that it was struck by some vassal or prefect. The other instance occurs on a coin of the first King of Oudh, who had a great reputation for learning.—Marsden, , vol. i. p. 119, and vol. ii. p. 698.Google Scholar
page 402 note 1 Marsden, , vol. ii. p. 698Google Scholar — 
These titles are given, slightly varied, in Wilson's History of British India (vol. ii. p. 504). The assumption gave offence at the Court of Dehli, as the title assumed was identical with that hitherto borne by the Mogul princes only. It was accordingly changed to the more modest designation of Padshah of Oudh.
Since these pages were in type, I have met with another instance of the assumption of this title by a prince of inferior rank. During the events which led to the rise of Yakub Khan, as narrated by a member of the mission of Sir Douglas Forsyth, several chiefs appear to have risen to power in Eastern Turkistan, when the Chinese authority was shaken after the capture of Pekin, and among others, an old man of sanctity, Abbibullah, headed the insurrection in Khoten, and assumed the government with the title of Khan Padshah. Had the Muhammadan dominion in India not been rudely cut short by British power, I do not doubt but that Padshahs would, ere long, have become as plentiful as Sultans or Khans.
page 402 note 2 The Avars became known to the Roman Emperors after the fall of the dominion of Attila. I do not find any mention of any native titles borne by the chiefs of the first Tatar invaders of Europe. It is the conjecture of Prichard that Attila may have derived his name from Atalik, the Turkish word for guardian, and he supposes that Attila ruled as guardian of his nephew. It seems more probable to suppose that Attila, whose government was well established before he became terrible by his European conquests, assumed an European title, just as the Turkish conquerors who followed him borrowed the titles of their subjects. The work quoted by De Guignes says: “Il prenoit le titre de par la grace de Dieu, Boi des Huns, des Medes, des Goths, des Danois, la terreur de l'univers et le fleau de Dieu.” The Byzantine writers of the time of Justinian give to the chief of the Avars the title of Chagan.
page 403 note 1 I refer more particularly to an essay by De Guignes in the twenty-eighth volume of the Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, where the subject is fully treated. They were known to the contemporary European writers by the name of Huns, while the orientals called them Turks. The powerful nation to the north of China bore the name of Hiom-nou. The Tiou-kioue, which we are told is the Chinese mode of spelling the name Turk, formed a branch of the former.
page 403 note 2 The full title is Tcem-li-ko-to-tan-jou, of which the above is the abbreviation. This is explained variously as “the Son of Heaven,” or, “la grande resemblance du fils de ciel.”—De Guignes, , vol. i. p. 25.Google Scholar
page 404 note 1 De Guignes, , vol. i. p. 337.Google Scholar
page 404 note 2 Journ. R.A.S. Vol. XV.
page 405 note 1 Selden gives the heading of the letter from the Greek chronicler. It runs thus: Τω βασιλει των Ρωμαιων ο χαγανος ο μεγας δεσποτης επτα γενων και κυριος κλιματων της οικουμενης επτα The seven climates means the whole world. In Persian literature we have seven heavens, seven earths, seven planets, seven members of the body, seven styles of writing, and so on ad infinitum. Seven is a mystic number, and is used to classify the whole order of creation. Baber, at the opening of his Memoirs, says that the country of Ferghana is situated in the fifth climate, on the extreme border of the habitable world. The seventh climate is Hindustan. For an account of the seven climates I refer the reader to Es Mas'udi's Meadows of Gold, Sprenger's translation, p. 197.
page 405 note 2 De Guignes, , vol. i. p. 494.Google Scholar
page 405 note 3 The leader of the Bulgarians, when they became first known in Europe in the sixth century, was Zabergan (Gibbon, cap. xliii.). These invaders were certainly of Tatar origin.—De Guignes, , vol. i. p. 395.Google Scholar
page 406 note 1 Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. xxii. pp. 77, 78.Google Scholar
page 407 note 1 
page 407 note 2 Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Dehli, pp. 91, 92.
page 407 note 3 
page 407 note 4 Book ii. 1.
page 409 note 1 This I assume to be the Zabergan of the Bulgarians.
page 411 note 1 
page 411 note 2 
page 412 note 1 Journal Asiatic Society Bengal, vol. vi. p. 456.Google Scholar
page 412 note 2 Wilson, 's Ariana, p. 242.Google Scholar
page 412 note 3 We find three different forms in the ancient literature. Adhiraja is rendered by Böhtlingk and Roth “überhaupt, herrscher über alle,” and reference is made to the Rig-Veda x., and the Atharva-Veda vi., and also to the Nirukta. Instances are given, in the same dictionary, of the use of the title Maharaja. It is rendered “fürst, ein regierender Fürst, Landesherr,” and we are referred for instances to the Aitareya Brahmana, Satapatha Brahmana, etc. The title Raja is the general appellation for king.
page 412 note 4 Burgess's Report on the Antiquities of Khatiawadh, and Kachh, , p. 61.Google Scholar
page 413 note 1 Journal R.A.S., Vols. XII. and XVI.
page 413 note 2 Wilson's Ariana.
page 413 note 3 In Böhtlingk and Roth's dictionary the word is dismissed with the remark “Auf Münzen” (on coins), with references to the Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. In the same dictionary the word Kshattra is rendered “Herschafft, Obergewalt, macht, imperium.” It would be interesting to trace the history of this latter word, the derivative of which, Kshattriya, came to be the kingly appellation in Persia in the time of the Achæmenides, while that of Raja held its ground in India. Prof. Monier Williams, in his dictionary, offers the following remark on this subject: “Kshatra, dominion, power, governing body, the members of which in the earliest times, as represented in the Vedic hymns, were generally called Rajanya, not Kshatriya; afterwards, when the difference between Brahman and Kshatra, or the priestly and civil orders, became more distinct, the reigning or military caste accepted the title Kshatriya.”
page 414 note 1 Journ. R.A.S. Vol. IV. n.s. p. 92.Google Scholar
page 415 note 1 For example, some memorial verses, said to have been composed on the capture of Dehli by Timur, and quoted from the Malfuzat-i-Timuri in Sir H. Elliot's posthumous work, describe the conqueror as, “The Emperor, Sahib Kfran.” It would be interesting to know the actual title applied to Timur at this period of his career. That of Sahib Kiran, lord of the (planetary) conjunctions, was constantly employed by him, and also by his descendants, and even by Nadir Shah. D'Herbelot says that Timur did not assume the title of Sultan till late in his career. The simplicity of his customary style has been already adverted to. The designation Gurghan, in which he took a pride, is said by Malcolm to have been a family name, meaning, I suppose, that it had been borne by some member or members of his family; for family names, in the European sense, are unknown to Muhammadans. D'Herbelot says it bears the signification of “Gendre et allié des rois.” I find it on a coin of one of his descendants (Fraehn, , p. 434).Google Scholar
page 417 note 1 
I have given Sir William Jones's translation in the text.
page 417 note 2 Cap. 65.