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A Delicate Subject: Clemencia López, Civilized Womanhood, and the Politics of Anti-Imperialism1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 April 2013

Laura R. Prieto
Laura R. Prieto*
Affiliation:
Simmons College
*
[email protected]
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Abstract

In 1902, Clemencia López journeyed to the United States to work for the liberation of her imprisoned brothers and for Filipino independence. She granted interviews, circulated her photograph, and spoke in public under the sponsorship of American anti-imperialists and suffragists. López argued that Filipinos like herself were already a civilized people and thus did not need Americans' “benevolent assimilation.” Her gender and her elite family background helped her make this case. Instead of presenting her as racially inferior, published accounts expressed appreciation of her feminine refinement and perceptions of her beauty as exotic. Americans simultaneously perceived her as apolitical because of her sex. López was thus able to take advantage of American gender politics to discuss the “delicate subject” of autonomy for the Philippines in ways that anti-imperialist Filipino men could not.

Type
Essays
Information
The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era , Volume 12 , Issue 2 , April 2013 , pp. 199 - 233
Copyright
Copyright © Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2013

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Footnotes

1

I am especially grateful to Hanna Clutterbuck, Amanda Strauss, Hope Shannon, William Penny, and Richard Canedo for their assistance with research and editing at key points; to the Simmons College Fund for Research; to Jane Callahan and Ian Graham, Wellesley College Archives; and to Joan Jensen, Fiona Paisley, and my anonymous reviewers for their encouraging comments on the versions from which this longer piece developed. Many thanks also to Cora López, Victoria López, and the López Foundation of Balayan, Batangas, for making their family's historical materials available to the public.

References

2 The first historian of the anti-imperialist movement, Maria Lanzar-Carpio, discusses Sixto López but not Clemencia. Jim Zwick and Kristin Hoganson were the first scholars to draw attention to Clemencia's address to the New England Woman Suffrage Association (NEWSA). Hoganson, “As Badly Off as the Filipinos,” Journal of Women's History 13 (Summer 2001): 9–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zwick, Jim, foreword to The Story of the Lopez Family (Manila, 2001)Google Scholar. Like Hoganson, Mary Elizabeth Holt emphasizes the failure of Clemencia's speech to disrupt American colonial discourse. Holt, Colonizing Filipinas: Nineteenth-Century Representations of the Philippines in Western Historiography (Manila, 2002)Google Scholar. Most work uses López as a passing example of native dissent; see Inoue, Miyako, “Echoes of Modernity: Nationalism and the Enigma of ‘Women's Language’ in Late Nineteenth-Century Japan” in Words, Worlds, and Material Girls: Language, Gender, Globalization, ed. McElhinny, Bonnie S. (Berlin, 2007), 214Google Scholar; Sneider, Alison, Suffragists in an Imperial Age: U.S. Expansion and the Woman Question, 1870–1929 (New York, 2008), 124CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Murphy, Erin L., “Women's Anti-Imperialism, ‘The White Man's Burden,’ and the Philippine-American War,” Gender & Society 23 (Apr. 2009): 244–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Okihiro, Gary, Pineapple Culture: A History of the Tropical and Temperate Zones (Berkeley, 2009)Google Scholar; and Towns, Ann E., Women and States: Norms and Hierarchies in International Society (New York, 2010), 7–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cullinane, Michael Patrick, Liberty and American Anti-Imperialism, 1898–1909 (New York, 2012), 136–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar, recounts the way that the American anti-imperialist movement featured López prominently at public meetings.

3 Spivak, Gayatri, “Can the Subaltern Speak?” in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Nelson, Cary and Grossberg, Lawrence (Urbana, 1988), 271–313CrossRefGoogle Scholar, has especially influenced my thinking on how to hear López, not only through her words, but through the recoverable traces of her actions and image.

4 Eyot, Canning, The Story of the Lopez Family: A Page from the History of the War in the Philippines (Boston, 1904)Google Scholar. Also, Sawyer, Frederic Henry Read, The Inhabitants of the Philippines (London, 1900)Google Scholar.

5 Filipino general Miguel Malvar and his troops surrendered on April 16, 1902, in Clemencia López's native province of Batangas. See May, Glenn Anthony, Battle for Batangas (New Haven, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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7 The Philippine Central Committee originated in Emilio Aguinaldo's Hong Kong Junta; see Epistola, Silvino V., Hong Kong Junta (Quezon City, 1996)Google Scholar; De Ocampo, Esteban A., First Filipino Diplomat: Felipe Agoncillo (Manila, 1977)Google Scholar. On gender and Filipino nationalism, Rafael, Vicente, White Love and Other Events in Filipino History (Durham, NC, 2000)Google Scholar; Rafael, The Promise of the Foreign: Nationalism and the Technics of Translation in the Spanish Philippines (Durham, NC, 2005)Google Scholar; Reyes, Raquel A.G., Love, Passion, and Patriotism: Sexuality and the Philippine Propaganda Movement, 1882–1892 (Singapore, 2008)Google Scholar.

8 Juliana López to Sixto López, Feb. 19, 1902, in Eyot, Story of the Lopez Family, 84.

9 Affairs in the Philippine Islands: Hearings before the Committee on the Philippines of the United States Senate (Washington, 1902), 2590Google Scholar. In his report, Charles E. Magoon, law officer for the Division of Insular Affairs, also invoked precedents from the American Civil War in which noncombatants presented a threat to security.

10 Anxiety on this count ran high in late 1902, as American civil authority began to supersede military authority. Escalante, Rene, The Bearer of Pax Americana: The Philippine Career of William H. Taft, 1900–1903 (Quezon City, 2007), 61–67Google Scholar.

11 Mariano López to Clemencia López, Dec. 28, 1901, in Zwick, Story of the Lopez Family, 45.

12 Sixto López to Mariano López, Jan. 1, 1902, ibid, 65. The tone of Sixto's letter, including his allusion to corrupt Spanish rule, suggests he had a public audience in mind for his statements. He went on to clarify his position “in favor of a cessation of all armed resistance to American authority,” in defiance of Mariano's plea that “our friends … write us nothing about politics if they do not wish to make our condition worse.”

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15 “While in the pre-Hispanic period women were the weavers and the priestesses … now they were relegated as auxiliaries, isolated from the public sphere (elite women were put in convent schools)” and, under Catholicism, excluded from religious leadership. “Though women of the lower classes still dominated retail trade and the market, women of the upper classes were now confined to the domestic sphere, prohibited from government.” Roces, Mina C., “Women in Philippine Politics and Society” in Mixed Blessing: The Impact of the American Colonial Experience on Politics and Society in the Philippines, ed. McFerson, Hazel M. (Westport, CT, 2002), 162–63Google Scholar.

16 Clemencia López, “Women of the Philippines,” Woman's Journal, June 7, 1902, 184.

17 Juliana to Sixto, Jan. 17, 1902, in Zwick, Story of the Lopez Family, 61.

18 Juliana to Clemencia, Jan. 21, 1902, ibid., 63.

19 It is doubtful that Clemencia and María (Mariquita) happened to be visiting Sixto in Hong Kong at this time of family crisis, as their official narrative maintains. More likely, they left Manila for the purpose of conferring with Sixto. By Clemencia's admission, she went to Hong Kong on December 15. Affairs in the Philippine Islands, 2621. In a published letter dated December 17, Juliana mentioned that she telegraphed Lorenzo the day before: “We know nothing of Balayan and believe it is quiet for otherwise they would have telegraphed us telling us what was happening.” She also noted that Sixto must have been surprised to see his sisters in Hong Kong “so soon.” No reason is given why some of the family would head for Hong Kong while others prepared to return to Balayan, though the sisters did remark on the seizure of their property and the arrest of their brothers. Zwick, Story of the Lopez Family, 34–35.

20 Martin Green describes the relationship between Warren, Fiske and López, Sixto as “a romantic friendship.” Green, The Mount Vernon Street Warrens: A Boston Story, 1860–1910 (New York, 1989), 156Google Scholar.

21 Ibid.

22 Juliana to Sixto, Jan. 10, 1902, in Zwick, Story of the Lopez Family, 56.

23 Maria to Sixto, Jan. 15, 1902, ibid., 61.

24 The study of women of different races and political petitions helps in reconceptualizing women's political activism; see Zaeske, Susan, Signatures of Citizenship: Petitioning, Antislavery, and Women's Political Identity (Chapel Hill, 2003)Google Scholar; Miles, Tiya, “‘Circular Reasoning’: Recentering Cherokee Women in the Antiremoval Campaigns,” American Quarterly 61 (June 2009): 221–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 This moral authority was most often associated with maternity, even if the individual women who exercised it were not literally mothers. Pascoe, Peggy, Relations of Rescue: The Search for Female Moral Authority in the American West, 1874–1939 (New York, 1990)Google Scholar. Clemencia's mother knew no Spanish, much less English. Helen C. Wilson, May 1, 1903, folder 1903, Moorfield Storey Papers, Ms. N-2197, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

26 Affairs in the Philippine Islands, 2620.

27 Juliana to Clemencia, Mar. 27, 1902, in Zwick, Story of the Lopez Family, 99, notes receipt of “all your letters from Paris, and last of all your letter of the 14th from London” and also asks Clemencia “to send pictures of Mrs. Warren, Miss Osgood, the two children [daughters Rachel and Marjorie], and yourself,” indicating that Fiske Warren's family had joined Clemencia and Fiske before arriving in the United States.

28 Green, The Mount Vernon Street Warrens, 5.

29 Miller, Stuart Creighton, “Benevolent Assimilation”: The American Conquest of the Philippines, 1899–1903 (New Haven, 1982)Google Scholar; Kramer, Paul, The Blood of Government: Race, Empire, the United States, and the Philippines (Chapel Hill, 2006)Google Scholar.

30 For example, Ellen Hayes, “The New Woman at Cavite,” Woman's Journal, Feb. 11, 1899.

31 “In America on Twofold Mission,” Boston Daily Globe, May 14, 1902, 6.

32 “One ‘Water Cure’ Victim,” New York Times, May 11, 1902, 5. Clemencia López's name does not appear in the CIS U.S. Congressional Committee Hearings Index. Likewise, published transcripts of the hearings include only her written correspondence as it was entered into the record.

33 Cullinane, Liberty and American Anti-Imperialism, 137. Louis D. Brandeis appears to have helped compile and present these materials. Several of the letters were evidently translated from Spanish, including perhaps Clemencia's own correspondence to the president, because she was not yet fluent in English.

34 George Cortelyou to Mabel Bayard Warren in Affairs in the Philippine Islands, 2668.

35 Sam Warren to Cornelia Warren, Mar. 21, 1902, folder 1901–1908, box 7, Warren-Clarke Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society.

36 Ignacio, Abe, de la Cruz, Enrique, Emmanuel, Jorge, and Toribio, Helen, The Forbidden Book: The Philippine-American War in Political Cartoons (San Francisco, 2004)Google Scholar.

37 Kramer, Paul, “Race-Making and Colonial Violence in the U.S. Empire: The Philippine-American War as Race War,” Diplomatic History 30 (April 2006): 169–210CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Kramer discusses the ilustrado strategy of “elite quests for recognition, especially the affirmation of civilizational status as the criteria first for assimilation and political rights and, ultimately for political independence,” but does not consider the gendered dimensions of this strategy. Also, Brody, David, Visualizing American Empire: Orientalism and Imperialism in the Philippines (Chicago, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38 In the pamphlet, “The ‘Tribes’ in the Philippines” (Boston, 1900), Sixto López, argued that these “so-called tribes” were, like “the uncivilized or semi-civilized remnants of the Indian tribes still inhabiting certain parts of the United States,” a minority that should not be used to characterize the general population. Also Kramer, “Race-Making”; and Hawkins, Michael, “Imperial Historicism and American Military Rule in the Philippines' Muslim South,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 39 (Oct. 2008): 411–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Cullinane, Liberty and American Anti-Imperialism, 136. Sneider, Suffragists in an Imperial Age, 108, notes a “spate of pro-imperial articles coming out in U.S. periodicals [in early 1899] that suggested how the sexual habits of native Filipino men might create a … threat” in the form of “sexual licentiousness.” Also, Bederman, Gail, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917 (Chicago, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 “Senorita Clemencia Lopez, Soon to Testify before the Senate Committee,” Evening Times [Washington DC], May 26, 1902, 3, includes a large image of López and a brief physical description of her, as “quite a handsome young woman, possessed of marked intelligence.”

41 “In America on a Twofold Mission” Boston Daily Globe, May 14, 1902, 6.

42 “Sixto Lopez' Sister,” Boston Daily Globe, June 1, 1902, 37.

43 “In America on a Twofold Mission” Boston Daily Globe, May 14, 1902, 6.

44 Ibid.

45 Illustrated Boston: The Metropolis of New England (New York, 1889), 150Google Scholar.

46 In 1897, Chickering also photographed the first live gorilla brought to the United States. Kennedy, Kenneth A. R. and Whitaker, John C., “The Ape in Stateroom 10,” Laboratory Primate Newsletter 27 (Jan. 1988): 1–8Google Scholar.

47 Vergara, Benito M. Jr., Displaying Filipinos: Photography and Colonialism in Early Twentieth-Century Philippines (Quezon City, 1995)Google Scholar.

48 For example, de Olivares, José, Our Islands and Their People, as Seen with Camera and Pencil (St. Louis, 1899–1900)Google Scholar, which sold 400,000 copies. Balce, “The Filipina's Breast,” 100.

49 Balce, “The Filipina's Breast,” 99, notes that Cuban and Puerto Rican women, often identified as “Spanish,” were represented in modest clothing—white dresses with high necks—in the same texts that eroticized Filipina nakedness. This created a racial contrast between the two kinds of colonial subjects.

50 See www.picturehistory.com/product/id/25671 and commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sarah_Winnemucca_Hopkins.jpg (accessed Aug. 22, 2012). Johanna Cohan Scherer posits that Winnemucca promoted herself as an Indian Princess but concludes that this strategy undermined Winnemucca's credibility as an advocate of Native self-determination. Scherer, “The Public Faces of Sarah Winnemucca,” Cultural Anthropology 3 (May 1988): 178–204CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51 A reporter noted, “She dresses like the women of this country [my emphasis] whenever she goes among them.” “In America on a Twofold Mission,” Boston Daily Globe, May 14, 1902, 6. Months later, the St. Paul Globe reported, “She usually dresses in the Philippine fashion,” so perhaps as time passed, she asserted her Filipina identity through clothing more often. “Pretty Filipino Woman's Plea for Her People's Freedom,” St. Paul Globe, Aug. 17, 1902, 17. In one of the three photos published with “Self-Exiled Filipino Maid Conquers with Beauty,” San Francisco Call, Nov. 2, 1902, 10, López seems to be wearing an American-style dress or shirtwaist with a high lace collar; thus she may have worn a variety of different clothing for the sitting with Chickering.

52 “In America on a Twofold Mission” Boston Daily Globe, May 14, 1902, 6.

53 Juliana to Sixto, Feb. 19, 1902, Zwick, Story of the Lopez Family, 84.

54 Many sources claim that the traje de mestiza developed from the María Clara in the early years of American colonization and that it adapted contemporary American women's fashions, especially narrow long skirts and mutton sleeves. In contrast, the traje de mestiza originated during in the early nineteenth century. Arrizón, Alicia, Queering Mestizaje: Transculturation and Performance (Ann Arbor, MI, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

55 “Pretty Filipino Woman's Plea for Her People's Freedom,” St. Paul Globe, Aug. 17, 1902, 17.

56 Kidwell, Claudia Brush and Steele, Valerie, eds., Men and Women: Dressing the Part (Washington 1989)Google Scholar; Barnes, Ruth and Eicher, Joanne Bubolz, eds., Dress and Gender: Making and Meaning in Cultural Contexts (London, 1993)Google Scholar; Baumgarten, Linda, What Clothes Reveal: The Language of Clothing in Colonial and Federal America (New Haven, CT, 2002)Google Scholar; Burman, Barbara and Turbin, Carole, eds., Material Strategies: Dress and Gender in Historical Perspective (Malden, MA, 2003)Google Scholar; Roces, Mina and Edwards, Louise, eds., The Politics of Dress in Asia and the Americas (Portland, OR, 2007)Google Scholar.

57 “Miss Clemencia Lopez: Fair Filipino Who Will Testify Soon Before Senate Committee on Philippine Affairs,” Washington Bee, June 7, 1902.

58 Edwards, Louise and Roces, Mina, “Orienting the Global Women's Suffrage Movement” in Women's Suffrage in Asia: Gender, Nationalism, and Democracy, ed. Edwards, Louise and Roces, Mina (New York, 2004), 17–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also, Taylor, Jean Gelman, “Official Photography, Costume, and the Indonesian Revolution” in Women Creating Indonesia, ed. Taylor, Jean Gelman (Clayton, Vic., Australia, 1997), 91–126Google Scholar. Mina Roces argues that “terno and pañuelo represented the disenfranchised, disempowered non-citizen” that women would remain even with independence. This style was less threatening to gender relations than American dress for women would have been. Roces, Mina, “Gender, Nation and the Politics of Dress in the Twentieth-Century Philippines,” Gender & History 17 (Aug. 2005): 360CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 Schorman, Rob, Selling Style: Clothing and Social Change at the Turn of the Century (Philadelphia, 2003), esp. ch. 1Google Scholar; Zakim, Michael, Ready-Made Democracy: A History of Men's Dress in the American Republic (Chicago, 2006)Google Scholar.

60 “Pretty Filipino Woman's Plea for Her People's Freedom,” St. Paul Globe, Aug. 17, 1902, 17. The same description reappeared in “Self-Exiled Filipina Maid Conquers by Beauty,” San Francisco Call, Nov. 10, 1902, 10.

61 Kramer, The Blood of Government, chap. 2.

62 Hoganson, Kristin, Consumer's Imperium: The Global Production of American Domesticity, 1865–1920 (Chapel Hill, 2007), ch. 2Google Scholar; Yoshihara, Mari, Embracing the East: White Women and American Orientalism (New York, 2003)Google Scholar.

63 Harris, Neil, Cultural Excursions: Marketing Appetites and Cultural Tastes in Modern America (Chicago, 1990), 29–55Google Scholar.

64 “Self-Exiled Filipino Maid Conquers by Beauty,” San Francisco Call, Nov. 2, 1902.

65 Ibid.

66 “Filipino Women: Their Condition Told by Clemencia Lopez…” Boston Daily Globe, May 30, 1902, 14.

67 “New England Annual Meeting,” Woman's Journal, June 7, 1902, 181.

68 Gallman, J. Matthew, America's Joan of Arc: The Life of Anna Elizabeth Dickinson (New York, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 Graham, Sara Hunter, Woman Suffrage and the New Democracy (New Haven, 1996)Google Scholar. On the anti-imperialist movement and the suffrage movement, Hoganson, Kristin, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (New Haven, 1998)Google Scholar; Sneider, Suffragists in an Imperial Age; and Murphy, “Women's Anti-Imperialism.”

70 The peak of anti-imperialism seems to have occurred in spring 1902. Kramer, The Blood of Government, 146.

71 Erin Murphy calculates that women donated 33 percent of the total AIL budget between 1898 and 1902. When the original AIL collapsed in 1904, the New England branch reconstituted itself as a national organization with three women vice presidents. Murphy, “Women's Anti-Imperialism,” 260, 262–63; Laura Prieto, “Rejecting the White Man's Burden: American Women and the Anti-Imperialist Movement,” paper presented at the Berkshire Conference of Women Historians, June 2005.

72 Sneider, Suffragists in an Imperial Age, 93, 104.

73 Quoted in Hoganson, “As Badly Off as the Filipinos,” 13. On British feminists and colonialism, Midgely, Clare, Feminism and Empire: Women Activists in Imperial Britain, 1790–1865 (New York, 2007)Google Scholar; and Midgely, “Bringing the Empire Home: Women Activists in Imperial Britain, 1790–1930” in At Home with the Empire: Metropolitan Culture and the Imperial World, ed. Hall, Catherine and Rose, Sonya (New York, 2006)Google Scholar.

74 Susan B. Anthony and the NAWSA Officers, “Memorial to Congress on Behalf of the Women of Hawaii,” Woman's Tribune, Jan. 28, 1899.

75 Spencer, Anna Garlin, “Our Duty to the Women of Our New Possessions,” History of Woman Suffrage (Rochester, NY, 1902), 4:328–31Google Scholar. Holt, Colonizing Filipinas, 60–64, compares this address to López's speech to suffragists.

76 Quoted in Hoganson, “As Badly Off as the Filipinos,” 9.

77 “Filipino Women: Their Condition Told by Clemencia Lopez,” Boston Daily Globe, May 30, 1902, 14. Scholars have assumed López spoke in English because the address was published in English in the Woman's Journal, June 7, 1902, 184. Yet the report on the speech published in the same issue explains that López spoke in Spanish and that Miss Wilson “interpreted for her”; “Miss Lopez's Speech,” Woman's Journal, June 7, 1902, 181. “Only True Way, according to Senorita Clemencia Lopez,” Boston Daily Globe, May 14, 1903, and “Will Appeal to President,” St. Paul Globe, May 15, 1903, 7, corroborate that López did not speak publicly in English until her farewell luncheon in 1903.

78 “Miss Lopez's Speech,” Woman's Journal, June 7, 1902, 181. This same metaphor of sisterhood often underwrote imperial feminism, as evident in political cartoons representing Columbia and Cuba and in the case of Evangelina Cisneros. Laura Prieto, “Evangelina and Columbia: Gender, Race, and Popular Representations of Cuba in the 1890s,” paper presented at the Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, June 1999.

79 “Women of the Philippines,” Woman's Journal, June 7, 1902, 184. Holt, Colonizing Filipinas, 74–80, discusses the intellectual sources for the ideas in López's speech.

80 The national suffrage movement began championing indigenous American women such as Sacagawea in this same period. Dye, Eva Emery, The Conquest: The True Story of Lewis and Clark (New York, 1902)Google Scholar, made the Shoshoni guide a popular heroine and icon of “perfect womanhood” for contemporary suffragists, especially in the Northwest. Edwards, G. Thomas, Sowing Good Seeds: The Northwest Suffrage Campaigns of Susan B. Anthony (Portland, OR, 1990), 240Google Scholar; Landsman, Gail, “The ‘Other’ as Political Symbol: Images of Indians in the Woman Suffrage Movement,” Ethnohistory 39 (Summer 1992): 247–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

81 Holt, Colonizing Filipinas, 77; de Morga, Antonio, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, ed. Rizal, José (1609; Paris, 1890)Google Scholar.

82 “Women of the Philippines,” Woman's Journal, June 7, 1902, 184.

83 Ibid., and Holt, Colonizing Filipinas, 80.

84 Former governor of the Philippines, and future U.S. president, William Howard Taft led such an investigation in 1905. The delegation to the Philippines included women such as feminist anthropologist Elsie Clews Parsons, albeit as the traveling companion of her husband, U.S. Representative Herbert Parsons. The delegation also visited China and Japan.

85 “Women of the Philippines,” The Woman's Journal, June 7, 1902.

86 Report of the 5th Annual Meeting of the New England Anti-Imperialist League, 28 November 1903 (Boston, 1904), 11, notes a luncheon meeting on May 13, presided over by women, at which López gave an address; also, A Farewell Luncheon in Honor of Senorita Clemencia López, October 5, 1903, in the Rooms of the Twentieth Century Club (Boston, 1904)Google Scholar.

87 The University of the Philippines was not founded until 1908.

88 Pérez, Louis A. Jr., On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality, and Culture (Chapel Hill, 2008), 161Google Scholar.

89 Pablo Navarro-Rivera, “Acculturation Under Distress: The Puerto Rican Experience at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, 1898–1918,” Centro Journal, Hunter College Center for Puerto Rican Studies in New York City, http://home.epix/net/~landis/navarro.html. (accessed Aug. 22, 2012).

90 Katharine Coman referred to this note of thanks “to the Academic Council” in her remarks at A Farewell Luncheon.

91 “No Color Line at Wellesley,” North American, Oct. 15, 1901, specified that Washington and another black student were not racially segregated at meals or social functions at the college. Clipping, “Washington, Portia,” Alumnae Folders, Wellesley College Archives.

92 “A Student in English” [anonymous poem], Wellesley Legenda, 1902, 47.

93 Palmieri, Patricia Ann, In Adamless Eden: The Community of Women Faculty at Wellesley (New Haven, 1995), 167–70Google Scholar. Other Wellesley professors with whom López seems to have studied include Katherine Lee Bates (English), Ellen Hayes (mathematics), Margaret Sherwood (English literature), and Berthe Caron (French).

94 “Free Press,” Wellesley College News, Oct. 9, 1902, 3.

95 Tree Day Oration, Class of 1888, quoted in Palmieri, In Adamless Eden, 182.

96 A Farewell Luncheon; Alumnae Folders for Inez Josephine Gardner, Hazel Mary Goodnow, Edith Smalley, and Katrina Ware, Wellesley College Archives.

97 A Farewell Luncheon, 25.

98 Ibid., 16, 17, 29.

99 Brody, David, Visualizing American Empire: Orientalism and Imperialism in the Philippines (Chicago, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

100 On the Filipino exhibits at the St. Louis fair, Kramer, The Blood of Government, ch. 4. Also Wexler, Laura, Tender Violence: Domestic Visions in an Age of U.S. Imperialism (Chapel Hill, 2000)Google Scholar.

101 Zwick, Story of the Lopez Family, 9–10.

102 Tiongson, Nicanor G., The Women of Malolos (Quezon City, 2004), 204Google Scholar.

103 Tiongson, The Women of Malolos, 17; Reyes, Crispina M., “That Massachusetts Woman—Helen Calista Wilson,” Bulletin of the American Historical Collection Foundation 37 (Sept. 2009): 11Google Scholar. In 1903, Wilson published A Massachusetts Woman in the Philippines, her firsthand account of the effects of American policies on Filipinos, and reported on the U.S. military policy of reconcentration in Luzon. Wilson visited and interviewed the López family while writing her book.

104 Zwick, Story of the Lopez Family, 5, presents Clemencia and Sixto as “key figures in the development of solidarity” between Filipino nationalists and American anti-imperialists.

105 Fiske Warren Diary, Manila, July 5, 1905, folder “Philippine Diary,” box 4, Moorfield Storey Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress.