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Forces of Regional and State Integration in the Western Archipelago, c. 1500–1700

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 August 2009

Extract

Unity within the Malay-Indonesian region evolved as an economic force from within and was not artificially superimposed by any political authority. The region was inextricably linked as a ‘geo-economic’ unit which was of paramount importance to international trade. Although it was trade which laid the area open to external intrusions which ultimately forced the region into a single matrix, colonial authority was imposed largely upon a pre-existing inter-regional economic infrastructure.

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Copyright © The National University of Singapore 1987

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References

1 The term ‘geo-economic’ unit is used here to describe maritime Southeast Asia which, by virtue of its geography and climate, was the largest single region for the production of spices and pepper for the international market. It was an outstanding pre-colonial export-oriented region but, at the same time, possessed a firm regional economic base with the complementary occupations of food production and commerce. For a brief discussion of the concept of Southeast Asia as a socio-political unit, see Johns, A. H., “Islam in Southeast Asia: Problems of Perspective”, in Southeast Asian History and Historiography, ed. Cowan, C. D. and Wolters, O. W. (Cornell, 1976), p. 304Google Scholar; Fisher, A., Southeast Asia (London, 1971), pp. 79Google Scholar.

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33 Djajadiningrat, , Sadjarah-Bantēn, pp. 54, 61Google Scholar; Schrieke, , Indonesian Sociological Studies, I, pp. 46, 51Google Scholar. Also see p. 40.

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35 Tiele, , BKI XXV (1877): 385, 401402Google Scholar.

36 Ibid., pp. 347–8.

37 Ibid., p. 348.

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39 Meilink-Roelofsz, , Asian Trade, p. 138Google Scholar; Tiele, , BKI XXVIII (1830): 305306Google Scholar.

40 A Portuguese account of Aceh describes its coastal territories during the end of the sixteenth century as “tributary regions”. Tiele, , BKI XXIX (1881): 167Google Scholar.

41 Canne, , “Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis der Lampongs”, pp. 509512Google Scholar; Djajadiningrat, , Sadjarah-Bantĕn, pp. 118–19Google Scholar; J. Kathirithamby-Wells, “Banten: A West Indonesian Port and Polity in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries” (in press).

42 Van Leur, , Indonesian Trade, pp. 117–18Google Scholar. The ruler's obligation to act in consultation with his ministers is stressed in the Sejarah Melayu. According to it, Sultan Alauddin Riayat Syah (1477–88) on his death-bed advised his son and successor, “See to it that you consult with your ministers and chiefs, for no ruler, however great his wisdom and understanding, shall prosper or succeed in doing justice unless he consults with those in authority under him.” Sejarah Melayu, ‘Malay Annals’, trans. Brown, C.C., intro. R. Roolvink (London, 1970), p. 117Google Scholar.

43 For an account of the role of the nobility in trade at Banten see: Van Leur, , Indonesian Trade, pp. 137–38Google Scholar. In the Melaka Sultanate, Sultan Muhammad Syah (1414–23/24) apparently was active in trade while Bendahara Sri Maharaja's participation enhanced his influence and made him a man of wealth. See: Brown, (trans.), Sejarah Melayu, pp. 154–55Google Scholar. The phenomenon was evidently not peculiar to the Malay-Indonesian region. Meilink-Roelofsz notes the participation in trade during the sixteenth century of the Syah of Persia. In fact, commercial participation of the royalty and nobility was known, according to Van Leur, even in ancient Greece and Egypt. Meilink-Roelofsz, , “The Structure of Trade in Asia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries”, Mare Luso-lndicum, L'Ocean Indien, Les Pays Riverains Et Les Relations Internationales, XVIe–XVIIIe siècles, Société d'Histoire de L'Orient Paris, IV (1980): 8Google Scholar; Van Leur, , Indonesian Trade, pp. 6061Google Scholar.

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53 Ibid., p. 226.

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55 Foster, W. (ed.), The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Hakluyt Society, Series 2, LXXXV (London, 1940), pp. 232–35Google Scholar; Danvers, and Foster, (ed.), Letters, VI (London, 18961902), p. 24Google Scholar.

56 Ibid., III, p. 226.

57 Reid, , “Trade and the Problem of Royal Power”, p. 50Google Scholar; Iskandar, Teuku, “De Hikayat Atjeh”, VKI XXVI (1958): 4647Google Scholar. This, presumably, was the same Laksamana mentioned by Beaulieu in Harris, (ed.), Navigantium atque itinerantium bibliotheca, I, pp. 732, 734, 737Google Scholar.

58 Danvers, and Foster, (ed.), Letters, [John Millward] to General Keeling [at Banten?], 21 04 1616, V, p. 165Google Scholar.

59 Ibid., Henry Pattison to Wm. Nicholls, Chief at Aceh, Tiku, 4 January 1616 [1617], V, p. 31.

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61 These divisions were often exacerbated by the ready offer of alliances by the European powers. Pahang became a tributary of the Portuguese in 1518 in revolt against the Melaka ruling house. During the next century, in anticipation of Iskandar Muda's ambition to master them, the east Sumatran states of Siak, Indragiri, Palembang, Jambi and Kampar concluded a defensive alliance with Sultan Hammat Syah of Johor (1613–23). Tiele, , BKI XXXVI (1887): 245Google Scholar; Van Bazel, , “Begin en voortgang van onzen handel en bezittingen op Sumatra's Westkust”, Tijdschrift voor Neerlands-Indiĕ (TNI) II (1847): 6Google Scholar.

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67 Meilink-Roelofsz, , Asian Trade, pp. 249–52Google Scholar; Leonard-Blussé, , “Western Impact on Chinese Communities in Western Java at the beginning of the 17th century”, Nampo-Bunka: Tenri Bulletin of South Asian Studies, No. 2 (1975): 33Google Scholar. The important role played by rulers and princes in the trade of Banten and their reliance on Chinese and Indian merchants for capital has been stressed by Meilink-Roelofsz.

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77 Ibid.; Kathirithamby-Wells, J., “Royal Authority and the Orang Kaya in the Western Archipelago, c. 1500–1800”, JSEAS XVII, 2 (1986): 256–67Google Scholar.

78 Andaya, , The Kingdom of Johor, pp. 6976Google Scholar. Meilink-Roelofsz points out that the issue of permits by the VOC and other European powers to Asian traders became useless and actually increased the liberty of Asian trade and navigation as permits issued by one European power offered protection to Asian skippers against seizure by other Europeans. “This development”, according to her, led to a remarkable expansion of Asian shipping at the end of the 17th century”, Mare Luso-lndicum IV (1980), pp. 1415Google Scholar.

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80 Kathirithamby-Wells, “The Johor-Malay World, 1511–1784” (in press).

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82 Ibid., pp. 152–61, 166–67.

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85 The increased supplies of pepper to Melaka during the Portuguese and Dutch periods came from Jambi which also supplied Johor. Meilink-Roelofsz, , Asian Trade, pp. 145–47, 185Google Scholar; Andaya, , The Kingdom of Johor, p. 128Google Scholar.

86 Groeneveldt, , “The Malay Peninsula and Malacca”, p. 77Google Scholar.

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91 Ibid., p. 203.

92 See Coedés, G., Angkor, An Introduction (London, 1961), pp. 2930Google Scholar; Heine-Geldern, R., Conceptions of State and Kingship in Southeast Asia, Data Paper No. 18, Southeast Asia Program, Department of Asian Studies (Cornell, 1956), pp. 3, 67Google Scholar; Wolters, , The Fall of Srivijaya, pp. 99102, 128–31Google Scholar.

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101 Schrieke, , Indonesian Sociological Studies, I, pp. 46, 5657, 60Google Scholar; II, pp. 225–26.

102 Ibid., I, p. 57.

103 Ibid., I, p. 29; II, pp. 140, 146; Meilink-Roelofsz, , Asian Trade, p. 283Google Scholar.

104 Schrieke, , Indonesian Sociological Studies, I, p. 62Google Scholar.

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111 See p. 28; The anti-Acehnese alliance organised by Johore (see fn. 61) was based, presumably, on traditional ties.

112 Van, Hoëvell, “De Lampongsche Distrikten op het Eiland Sumatra”, pp. 245–51Google Scholar.

113 Andaya, , The Kingdom of Johor, p. 174Google Scholar.

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